“SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE”

THE RISE AND FALL OF NAR BAHADUR BHANDARI

In 1986 (the year I started my own Gangtok-based English weekly, Sikkim Observer, after three years into journalism), I asked the former Sikkim Legislative Assembly’s Deputy Speaker, Lal Bahadur Basnet, who won on the Parishad ticket from Gangtok in the 1979 Assembly elections, whether it was possible for the original Parishad team to forget the past and come together and work for the interest of the people as they had once set out to do. His immediate reply was, “Bhandari has now reached a point of no return.” Many others, who were earlier with Bhandari, felt the same way.

   After Bhandari’s fall in May 1984, I devoted an entire issue of the July 1984 issue of the Spotlight on Sikkim on him. Entitled “The Rise and Fall of Nar Bahadur Bhandari”, I stated: “Though Bhandari has long abandoned the cause of the people, his final departure from the post of leadership symbolizes the end of an era, which can be best described in the words of Tennyson” “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.” Perhaps Sikkim will look back to this era and recall this period as Sikkim’s ‘finest hour’. Bhandari will then not be remembered for the wrongs he had done but for the things he hoped to do and for the dreams he set out to fulfill.”

   My views on political developments in Sikkim after the merger and before the first Assembly elections in 1979 was clear: “The victory of Bhandari’s Sikkim Parishad in 1979 elections symbolized the triumph of anti-merger forces, whose main objective can be best expressed in three words – “Sikkim for Sikkimese”. Thus, Bhandari was not important in himself but what he represented. The disintegration of his party and his personal loss of credibility stems from the fact that he had drifted far beyond the people’s wildest expectations from the stand that the Parishad had initially taken.

   Their Election Manifesto promised: “This party, if returned to power, is committed to giving the Sikkimese people back their self-respect and sense of dignity,” is now just another dream. The Parishad also swore that it would, if given the chance, punish the corrupt regime of the Kazi Government for all its ‘corruption, favouritism and nepotism practised since 1974’. Ironically, corruption was one of the major factors that led to Bhandari’s downfall. Even some of his genuine supporters acknowledge the fact that even under the Kazi Government, corruption had not reached such a height as is prevalent today.”

   I added, “The ‘sons of the soil’ policy formulated and propagated by the Bhandari Government has not made much headway. Selling of reserved seats of Sikkimese students to non-locals, indiscriminate allocation and distribution of building sites and trade licenses, discrimination regarding grant of scholarships to students, refusal to allot work to local contractors on tender basis, favouritism and red-tapism concerning jobs in government service, and back-door leverage for non-locals to share in the State’s administrative and economic development plans are a few examples of the Bhandari Government’s various activities which do not reflect the ‘sons of the soil’ policy they so passionately propagated before coming to power.

2010 meet in Gangtok: (L to R) Jigme N. Kazi, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, PM Subba, former Sikkim Lok Sabha MP and KN Upreti, former Minister in Bhandari Government.)

   Over the years, Bhandari gradually lost the support of his own party colleagues. They claim they were Bhandari’s genuine supporters, who were with him ‘through thick and thin’ during his political wilderness experience when he was constantly harassed by both the Central and State governments for his anti-merger stand. It was these people, with the help of a few others, who later formed a nucleus that ultimately influenced the formation of a dissident group within the Cong (I) fold to knock down Bhandari.

  Although Bhandari’s ‘Sikkim for Sikkimese’ slogan and de-merger promises attracted a large following in the last election, many people did not believe that things would be as simple as the promises that were made. But one thing they did not anticipate was Bhandari’s betrayal on certain basic issues concerning the people. The oft-repeated phrase – ‘Kazi sold the body, Bhandari sold the soul’ – has some relevance to the gradual erosion of the distinctive character for the Sikkimese way of life.”

   I then summed up: “Bhandari is still very young and will no doubt try to come back to power. His abrupt dismissal from the post he so dearly coveted does not necessarily mean the end of his political career. He has the potential of making a comeback provided he learns not to overdo things. However, he cannot hope to regain his pre-’79 status to ensure future electoral victories.

   Try as he may, Bhandari will never again win back the respect and love of the people of Sikkim, which he so freely and fully received in ample measure during the 7-year period of the merger controversy. Never again will he hope for the same from the people, for he, he alone knows that he has miserably failed to prove his worth to the people, whose cause he so dearly championed and for whom he sacrificed so much.

   In the final analysis, it is the Central Government that has come out victorious in destroying anti-merger forces, which played a predominant role in the last election under the leadership of Nar Bahadur Bhandari. There never was a man, who could so successfully unite all sections of the population under one banner as Bhandari had done, and there never will be another such man for a long time. Never have the Sikkimese people bestow so much faith and confidence on one man in such a short time. Bhandari’s failure to fulfill their innermost hopes and aspirations for a strong, stable, and united Sikkim within the borders of India, is his greatest tragedy and the Government of India’s biggest achievement.

    Looking back in retrospect, one sees enough evidence to justify the fact that Bhandari and his colleagues unconsciously became victims of circumstances and political intrigues that finally broke them into pieces and shattered every hope of them coming together on the same plank they once stood so unitedly.”

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

 

“Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

“Only dead fish go with the flow” 

‘There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises….The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi" 

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The Press Club of Sikkim conferred the “Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar 2012” award to journalist-cum-writer Jigme N Kazi at a function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012. The following is the full text of Kazi’s acceptance speech:

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 Hon’ble Chief Guest, Secretary IPR, Press Club Advisor, Press Club President, distinguished guests and friends,

   On Receiving the Award: I feel very privileged to be here today to receive the Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar award from the Press Club of Sikkim on its decadal foundation year. I am told by the Press Club that it had “unanimously decided” to confer this award for my “outstanding contribution and dedication” made during the last three decades (1983-2012) in the field of journalism.

   I believe that by conferring this award to this long-time black-listed man, who is forced to live in self-imposed exile in his own homeland, the Press in Sikkim is sending a clear message to those who care to listen. And that message is loud and clear: the Press in Sikkim wants to be more free and independent and those in power and the people at large should take note of it and respect its stand.

(L to R) IPR Secretary KS Tobgay, Chief Guest CK Shrestha, Sikkim Observer Editor Jigme N Kazi, Press Club Advisor CD Rai, Press Club General Secretary Joseph Lepcha and Press Club President Bhim Rawat at the Press Club of Sikkim function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012.

   I enjoy doing what I do – be it eating, taking a walk or writing. I seek no reward and recognition in doing these things even if what I do benefits those around me.

   People often criticize me of being stubborn and always swimming against the tide. Let me remind them of what US vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin said: “Only dead fish go with the flow.” Living with walking corpses all these years has been a very painful experience. It is better to be exiled in foreign shores than having to undergo constant suffocation at home. However, if this is the cross that I was born to bare then I must live with it whether I like it or not.

   Yes, we have more journalists and more newspapers today than when I started in this profession 30 years back. But I’m not too sure whether we are more free, objective and independent in our reporting. What is more important in life is quality, not quantity, and this also applies to the Fourth Estate, particularly when so many people depend and look up to the Press to make the right decision.

   Sikkimese Society: If we cannot uphold certain basic and fundamental values of human existence such as freedom, democracy, justice, self-respect and the rule of law we miss the opportunity that life offers to each one of us. The first indication of a society’s degeneration is when individuals live and work only for themselves. Sikkim is on the verge of being a dead and decadent society. Our constant efforts to camouflage ourselves will not work in the long run. We will be fully exposed when the time comes.

   We locals often distance ourselves from the byaparis, the business community, for encroaching into our economic and political rights and interests. Little do we realize that while they sell potatoes, tomatoes etc. we are the real byaparis. We have sold our king, our flag, our country, our distinct identity and political rights. Not content with this we are still selling our hills and valleys, our lakes and rivers, our land and people, our religion and culture, and worse of all our self-respect and dignity. Is it really worth sweating it out for such people?

   Sikkim Politics: Me and my kind have lived through this bitter period in Sikkim’s history. In our efforts to fight for the common cause we have brought down five chief ministers and made four chief ministers in the past so many years.  We did this for a good cause and without any selfish motive. We are not to be blamed if our political leadership continuously fails us and lets us down the moment they come to power.

   I took leave from the Fourth Estate at the end of the year 2000 to make my personal contribution to Sikkim politics when I was convinced that those we backed were betraying us and the issues we raised for petty considerations. Unlike many others, I could not hang around and hide myself safe and secure in a small corner when I was convinced that we were being led to a dead-end street. I left active politics after three and half years in August 2004 when I was fully convinced that I was heading nowhere and those around me were still deeply involved in petty politics. There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises.

   It is futile to fight for the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union if the leaders of our larger community are not sure of who they are, whom they represent, and what they really want. Nepal’s political situation, where ethnic communities are being reduced to a minority in the land of their origin, has still not opened our eyes. This is because while our head is still not clear our heart is full of greed. When will we ever live in a place where the mind is without fear and the head is held high? When will this non-stop looting stop? Corruption has reached a point of no return. Disillusionment has set in and this seems to be irreversible. These are dangerous trends in a sensitive and strategic border State like Sikkim.

   India’s Role in Sikkim: Even if our political leadership has failed us time and again,India must live up to the expectations of the Sikkimese people. If it continues to ignore the hopes and aspirations of those who sacrificed their country so that this nation may live in peace and security there may come a day when Sikkim will become a hot-bed of international politics. We may not see that day but that day is not afar if India fails to honour its commitments made to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people during the takeover.

(L to R) 'Stop Muzzling the Press': Angry local journalists stage a protest rally in Gangtok on June 19, 1993. (L to R) Joseph S. Lepcha, Govind P. Sharma, Deependra Khati, Tsering T. Namgyal and Jigme N. Kazi. (Ref: 'Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

   The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi. The erosion of our unique and distinct cultural identity, the systematic manner in which seeds of division are sown in our social fabric, and finally the destruction caused to our fragile environment and ecology cannot and must not be easily condoned. We cannot blame our leaders only; we, too, have shamelessly become agents of division, disunity and destruction. We have sown the wind; we will surely reap the whirlwind.

   Hope and Gratitude: I’m grateful to the Press Club of Sikkim for recognizing my work and honouring me on this very special day. This is the time and the moment to renew our pledge for a strong, united, free and independent Press in the State.

   On this special day I want to remember those who have helped me in my three-decade-long career. Some of them are late Chukie Tobden, Suresh Pramar, Devraj Ranjit, Tenzing Chewang and Pema Wangchuk. I also owe a deep sense of gratitude to the Chamling Government and to those who worked or in any way associated with my printing press and publications.

   Living the way I did is a risky business and I want to say how happy and grateful I am to my wife Tsering, her parents,  and my four kids – Tashi, Yangchen, Sonam and Kunga – for letting me live my life freely and dangerously for so long.

   I hope my endeavours will light up your path and help you to bear the burden of being free and independent in a hostile climate in the days and years to come. My message to you on this day comes from Rev. Jesse Jackson: “Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

   On Myself: French Emperor Napoleon Bonarpate (1769-1821) once said: “There are only two forces in the world, the sword and the spirit. In the long run the sword will always be conquered by the spirit.”

   I have already said “I have accepted the death of my dreams” a few years back and I stand by it.

   However, I have filed my petition in the court of Khangchendzonga, Sikkim’s Guardian Deity, to seek justice – for Sikkim, the Sikkimese people and for myself. I am still patiently waiting for the verdict. That this award should come at this time and in the name of our Presiding Deity is not only very auspicious but meaningful as well.

   Thank you all, both for this wonderful award and your determination to preserve the integrity, independence and freedom of the Press in Sikkim. 

(Full text published in Sikkim Observer, July 21, 2012; jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com

, republished in social media on November 16, 2025, National Press Day.)

 

MY STRUGGLE - VI:  A MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATON OF POLITICAL RIGHTS

 

    Former Minister, K C Pradhan, and Jigme N. Kazi.

On October 10, 1999, a week after the polls (1999 Assembly elections), the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity) formed its first frontal organization – Sikkim Khukuri-Khorlo Movement (SKKM). Pradhan – now 63 and still going strong – was appointed President of the new body, whose main role and objective was to “spearhead the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese”. The formation of the new body was well timed. It sent a clear message to the people and those in power that the OSU would not only continue with the seat issue but would adopt a more strident method to achieve its objectives.

   After Pradhan was appointed SKKM President by myself as OSU Chairman we hoisted the red and yellow flag of our organization in Gangtok for the first time. Till this point the khukuri (traditional weapon of the Nepalese) and the khorlo (wheel of dharma representing the BLs) remained a mere symbol of the organization. The wheel, which also represented the chakra in the national flag, also reflected the sentiments of ‘other Sikkimese’ in the State. Now, under the changed circumstances, it became the organization’s flag, symbolizing the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people. Formation of the SKKM was seen as a virtual revolt against those who let us down and were bent on coming to power irrespective of the irreparable damage done to the future of Sikkim and the Sikkimese. It not only reflected our commitment to the common cause of all Sikkimese but also our resolve to achieve our objectives.

   The Inner Circle of Sikkim (ICS) was first conceived in 1981 during my college days in Bombay. It took shape in the ’80s and surfaced only in 1994, when political instability rocked the State, leading to the abrupt downfall of the 15-year-old Bhandari Government. While the ICS was regarded as the think-tank and top policy-making body of the organization the SKKM became the OSU’s main frontal wing. The OSU remained as the main body of the entire organizational set-up.

   “With the formation of SKKM the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people will assume a new dimension. The SKKM will now take the initiative in ensuring the Sikkimese people’s participation in the democratic movement,” the OSU’s Press statement said on October 10, 1999, a historic day for the organization.

   Adopting different strategies to achieve its objectives, the OSU sought the help and cooperation of “all political and social organizations in Sikkim and all sections of the population in the State.” While stating that “Both the Central and State governments will also be taken into confidence in our sincere and genuine efforts to preserve Sikkim for the future generations of the Sikkimese people,” the OSU said it was “committed to observing peaceful, non-violent and democratic means to achieve its objectives.”

   By openly declaring that we would take everyone into confidence while going about our job we wanted to send a clear message to all concerned, including the State Government, that we were open to suggestions and ready to take help from any quarter. This message and our sincerity in dealing with the issue in the past so many years – sometimes under very difficult and trying circumstances – ought to have cleared all doubt and misunderstanding and opened channels of communication with all concerned parties, including the State Government and the ruling party (Sikkim Democratic Front).

   All parties – if they are really keen on solving our basic political issues – should and could have seized the opportunity, got our support and settled the issue once and for all. Our main objective was to solve the problem and get our demands met; we were not there to take credit for our efforts and our success. Many failed to understand this and this led to doubt, mistrust and misunderstanding. Those looking for personal and political gains on the issue either doubted our motive or refused to join hands with us as they feared being left out in the cold. Our credibility, competence and commitment to the cause made those who profess to also champion the same cause insignificant and insecure. This was indeed the main reason why they failed or deliberately did not cooperate and caused unnecessary obstacles in our fight for our survival. If you yourself are not trustworthy you also fail to trust others. In such a situation ‘common cause’ becomes the ultimate victim.

   Despite the OSU’s pledge that it would not take part in electoral politics in the State unless seats in the Assembly were restored to the Sikkimese, the political establishment had great doubt on us and tried to suppress our movement through devious means. It felt that if we – KC-Jigme combine (KC Pradhan is often referred to as ‘KC’) – succeeded in our mission it would lead to the eclipse of many politicians and political parties, which for a long time have been fooling and misleading the people on the said issue for their vested interests.

   One of the top bureaucrats close to Chamling from the BL community tried to arrange secret meetings between Pradhan and the Chief Minister during this period. Why doesn’t Chamling want to meet me or for that matter the entire OSU team? Had Chamling done this he would surely have benefitted a great deal. The precarious situation we were facing made me write the editorial in the Observer in December 1999 under the caption “Sikkim’s Future: Agents of Disunity At Work”: “The move initiated by some senior bureaucrats from the minority Bhutia-Lepcha community on the demand for restoration of Assembly seats in the State is not very encouraging. Their negative attitude towards those who are genuinely involved in the movement for restoration of the democratic rights of the Sikkimese people as per the terms and spirit of Sikkim’s ‘merger’ reflects a colonial mindset and sycophancy that is gradually growing in the State administration. To please their political masters they are going against the hopes and aspirations of the Sikkimese people, who are looking for ways to safeguard their long-term rights and interests in the land of their origin.

   For nearly a decade and half after the ‘merger’ the legitimate rights of the Sikkimese people belonging to the three ethnic communities have been suppressed. Under the leadership of Pawan Chamling the Sikkimese people were successful in ensuring that a climate of fear was removed and the democratic process reinstated. Having fought for restoration of democracy in the State it is now the right and the responsibility of the Sikkimese people to openly and fearlessly come together and march ahead hand-in-hand for their ultimate fight to preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union.”

   The editorial added: “Any move to browbeat or suppress the Sikkimese people’s movement for a special place in the Indian Union cannot and must not be tolerated. All those who have an evil design and a hidden agenda for Sikkim will surely be exposed even as they consciously or unconsciously reveal their true nature. While adjustments can be made on minor matters there cannot be any compromise on basic issues that concern the Sikkimese people.

   The leadership of the Organization of Sikkimese Unity (OSU), which is spearheading the demand for restoration of all the 32 seat in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, have rightly observed that they will not bow to the diktats of those who are unwilling to fight for the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people.

   What should rightly be brought to the notice of the public is the attempt made by some highly-placed bureaucrats to either buy off or cause a split in the organizations, including OSU, which are hell-bent on preserving Sikkim for the coming generations of the Sikkimese people. One senior officer pointed out that Revenue Order No 1 fully protected the interest of the minority community and it was unwise to demand restoration of Assembly seats for the original Bhutia-Lepchas in the State. Is this acceptable to the BLs? Certainly not. In a small State like Sikkim restoration of the democratic rights through seat reservation is the only weapon to ensure the survival of the Sikkimese against massive influx in the State.

   Another senior officer is making concerted attempts in causing disunity and misunderstanding among the OSU leadership. His attempts to arrange secret meetings with one of the OSU leaders with the powers-that-be is an indication that something is wrong somewhere. These developments must be viewed in the light of the Government’s attempts to crackdown on those who recently organized a 12-hour hunger strike on the seat issue on October 2.”

   The editorial reiterated its stand on the Assembly seat issue: “For the first time in the past twenty five years a serious and genuine attempt is being made by concerned citizens to respect the mandate given by the Sikkimese people on the seat issue. Ever since the abolition of Assembly seats reserved for the Sikkimese people in 1979 to this day the Sikkimese people have voiced their legitimate concern for their future survival in the State. “

   The editorial added: “A handful of politicians and bureaucrats cannot and must not be allowed to suppress the democratic urges of the Sikkimese people for their vested interests. The Sikkimese people will certainly be faced with many challenges in the near future. When a new situation comes into being and when the Sikkimese people are on the crossroad they ought to take note of who their real friends and enemies are. Sometimes wolves are clothed in sheep’s clothing. The time is nearing when the sheep and the goats will be forced to take their rightful place in society. To avoid any embarrassing situation the concerned authorities must fall in line and bow down to the wishes of the people. As the new millennium approaches Sikkim and the Sikkimese people will be given a new opportunity to redefine their place in the world’s largest democracy. What is needed is reconciliation and a more positive attitude to move forward together.”

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

 

 

MY STRUGGLE – V: OCTOBER 2, 1999 HUNGER STRIKE  

 

Pix: The 12-hour hunger strike by Sikkimese representatives at the ‘BL House’, Gangtok, on October 2, 1999.

(Left to Right) Tenzing Namgyal, Jigme N Kazi, Nima Lepcha, Pintso Bhutia, KC Pradhan and Gyamsay Bhutia. 

My last call before the October 1999 Assembly polls on the seat issue featured in the editorial of the Observer, dated September 18-21, 1999, and captioned “Total Revolution” – ‘No Reservation, No Election’: “It is significant to note that the BL Apex body has now urged the larger Sikkimese Nepalese community to back their demand and give them the much-needed support. Wounded by the failure of the political leadership among the Nepalese community to respect their political rights, pending the finalization of the Assembly seat issue, the BLs have now turned towards the Sikkimese Nepalese people themselves and others to come to their aid. In a democracy, it is the majority community which must rule but protections and safeguards must be provided to the minority community. In their lust for power the political leadership in Sikkim are forgetting and ignoring the just demands of the people and are deliberately trampling over their political rights and thereby hurting the sentiments of the people. No political party in the State has the mandate to further divide the people, dilute their political rights and cause social disharmony and political instability in this strategic border State.”

   The editorial added: “It is now up to the Sikkimese people to come forward and respect the sentiments of their brothers and sisters in distress. The BLs are confident that their hope placed on the larger community will get the right response. But while the BLs desire and expect support from the Sikkimese Nepalese they must also realize that the majority community, too, are in a fix and are demanding restoration of their reserved seats in the Assembly and should be prepared to fight unitedly for restoration of the political rights of all Sikkimese.

   Time is running out and the Sikkimese Nepalese cannot now afford to pin their hopes on the politicians for their long-term interest. There are no easy answers to the political uncertainty faced by the Sikkimese masses. By calling for boycott the BLs have shown that elections are no solutions to the political crisis faced by the Sikkimese people. Making representations to the concerned authorities, be it in Gangtok or New Delhi, is not enough. For the past 20 years various social and political organizations have rightly demanded restoration of the Assembly seats for the Sikkimese people.”

   The editorial concluded: “Memoranda after memoranda have been submitted on the issue but what has been the net result of all these endeavours? While political rhetoric on the issue continues the seat issue is yet to be resolved. Any further violations of the terms of the merger cannot and must not be tolerated any longer. By keeping the issue perpetually pending the political leadership, in collaboration with New Delhi, are gradually leading the Sikkimese people to political suicide…There cannot be more articulate and eloquent way of expressing the total sense of frustration and resentment over the continued violation of the merger accord and abuse of the people’s mandate than to take a firm step on the issue and boycott the coming elections in the State.”

   Though our appeal for total boycott of the polls was serious and genuine we were aware of the fact that the appeal – made at the last moment – would not be well received by political parties which were totally engrossed in the poll process. This was quite understandable although they should realize by now the importance of adopting a strong stand on the seat issue if they are at all serious about the future of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people.

   Our stand at that stage was symbolic but the message and the spirit in which we chose to adopt this stand would be welcomed by the people. And yet we were delighted when the Congress (I) candidate, Tseten Lepcha, from my own home constituency of Lachen-Mangshilla, North Sikkim, withdrew his nomination papers in response to our appeal. Lepcha may have played his cards well during the polls and killed many birds with one stone but his gesture was significant and appreciated by the people.

   He told reporters that in view of the pre-poll developments on the seat issue he felt it was his bounden duty not to take part in the polls in order “to protest, to express our deep anguish and to prove that if the need arises, the Lepchas are prepared to make the supreme sacrifice to fight for our cause.” It is also significant that these words come from the son of a former MLA from the tribal-dominated north district, Tasa Tingay Lepcha, who earlier contested and won from the Lachen-Mangshilla constituency. Majority of voters in this constituency, which had a sizable number of Limbus, were BLs.

   Just days before the scheduled date of the proposed hunger strike on October 2, 1999, the OSU and SIBLAC formed the Sikkimese Nepalese Apex Committee (SNAC) in Geyzing, West Sikkim. The new body was formed at a joint meeting of the OSU and SIBLAC and was chaired by K.C. Pradhan. Buddhilal Khamdak, a young and educated Nepali from the Limbu community in West Sikkim, was made the SNAC’s Convenor. The newly-formed body supported the seat issue demand raised by the SIBLAC and OSU and urged the two organisations to support the demand on restoration of Assembly seats of the Sikkimese Nepalese.

   On October 2, while the rest of the nation celebrated the 130th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi (Gandhi Jayanti), the Sikkimese people – represented  by SIBLAC, OSU and SNAC – sought the blessing of the ‘Father of the Nation’ and the Guardian Deities of Sikkim in their struggle on restoration of their political rights. The 12-hour hunger strike by six representatives of the three ethnic communities at the ‘BL House’ in Gangtok on October 2 symbolically ushered in a new phase in the fight for restoration of the political rights of bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities.

  Four members of the SIBLAC – two convenors (Nima Lepcha and Pintso Bhutia), Vice-Convenor Tenzing Namgyal, and a woman representative, Gyamsay Bhutia, the SNAC Advisor K.C. Pradhan and myself as OSU Chairman took part in the historic one-day hunger strike on October 2, 1999.

   We had actually chosen the premises where the ‘Statues of Unity’ are installed for the venue of the one-day hunger strike. Located in the heart of the capital at the northern end of the Mahatma Gandhi Marg – the main market area in the capital – this venue would have been the ideal place to begin a prolonged and intensive campaign on the seat issue. However, the State Government refused to allow us to use this place. In fact, it asked us to call off the hunger strike and the boycott call.

   In a letter to the SIBLAC, dated September 17, 1999, Chief Secretary Sonam Wangdi said redressal of grievances should be done through participation in the electoral process and pointed out that boycott of elections “is the last action to be taken as the final resort when all other means have failed.” The Chief Secretary simply could not see that we had resorted to this method as “all other means”, including the electoral process, in the past two decades failed to achieve the desired result. We ignored the government’s plea and went ahead with the hunger strike.

   However, it must be placed on record that if it hadn’t been for the OSU the hunger strike and boycott call may have been put off. Pradhan and I tactfully and very firmly exerted enough pressure on the SIBLAC leadership, which was dithering on the issue at the last moment when they were under extreme pressure. Even if the SIBLAC had backed off at the last moment the OSU and SNAC would have certainly continued with the mission. No amount of tactics and pressure would work on Pradhan and me and on this we were very confident.

   As planned, we held the hunger strike on October 2 to remind the world that we were determined to struggle on till our demand on restoration of our political rights were met. While others fought the elections we fought for our people. We were not concerned with who wins or loses in the polls; our main concern was that if the Assembly seats were not restored to us in the near future we would be the ultimate losers and the electoral process would then become a meaningless ritual as the Sikkimese people would have no future to look forward to.

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

 MY STRUGGLE – IV: ‘No Seat, No Vote’

 

I placed on record that since the Assembly seat issue had the support of the people it cannot be ignored so easily: “Restoration of the Assembly seat reservation of the three ethnic communities in the State have been raised by the combined political leadership in the State in the past two decades. In the four consecutive Assembly elections the Assembly seat issue has been a major political issue of all major political parties in Sikkim. In this election, too, the seat reservation issue continues to be a major political issue. But despite having given top priority on the issue by successive state governments the Centre has failed to concede to this long-pending demand of the Sikkimese people. Inspite of the Centre’s delay in meeting the just demand of the people there is the need for us to work unitedly to achieve our common objective for restoration of our political rights.”

   The need for the political leadership in the State to genuinely and sincerely respect the sentiments of the people and implement its policies on the seat issue, pending the final resolution of the demand, was also stressed: “Pending the disposal of the seat reservation demand it is the political leadership in Sikkim which must respect the sentiments of the people on the issue. Those who genuinely believe in the fight for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people ought to field bonafide Sikkimese candidates in the 32 Assembly constituencies and the lone Lok Sabha seat.”

   I reiterated: “It is not too late to take a principled stand on the basic political rights of the people. Let us not trample upon the sacred rights of the people in our blind pursuit for power. There is no better way to convince the Centre and the people of Sikkim of our genuineness on the seat issue than rigidly implementing what we have in mind on this vital issue in the coming elections. The time has come for each one us to make our stand loud and clear on the issue. The allotment of seats to various candidates by the political leadership in the State will be taken as an outward indication of our inner conviction. In the process each individual politician and their parties stand to gain or lose from the stand they have taken.”

   Was it only me who was taking the seat issue so seriously? I begin to think over this and wondered without pausing for an answer. In June 1999, four months before the Assembly polls, I highlighted the need to take radical steps on the seat issue if it still remained unresolved. Captioned ‘No Seat, No Vote’, the Observer’s editorial, dated June 5-11, 1999, stated:

   “Mere reiteration of the seat issue demand on special occasions becomes only a symbolic ritual which our politicians are good at. Lack of concrete strategy to meet the demand reflects the political will of the political establishment…That the abolition of the basic political rights of the Sikkimese took place four years after the controversial ‘merger’ suggests that New Delhi blatantly violated the terms of Sikkim’s integration with India…If perceived closely none of the 32 seats in the House and the two seats in the Parliament are reserved exclusively for Sikkimese. This indeed is a blatant act of betrayal. Because of this non-Sikkimese have found a place in the House much to the detriment of bonafide Sikkimese who are largely Sikkimese Nepalese.”

   I even hinted on the need to boycott the polls if New Delhi remained adamant on preserving status quo on the seat issue: “The political leadership in the State needs to take the seat reservation issue more seriously. Mere adoption of this basic demand in their party resolution and manifesto will not do. This demand has been raised at appropriate fora for nearly 25 years now. If the Centre fails to act positively on this vital demand then the Sikkimese people need to do some rethinking.”

    I added: “Erosion of Sikkim’s distinct identity within the Union through violation of ‘merger terms’ cannot and should not be tolerated any longer. If political parties fail to get this demand met then the Sikkimese people may resort to the last option of boycotting Assembly and Lok Sabha polls in the State. Democracy provides an opportunity to the people to exercise or not to exercise their franchise. If the need arises the Sikkimese people can send empty ballot boxes to New Delhi during the elections. By doing this they will not only be merely implementing the oft-repeated slogan – ‘No Seat, No Vote’ – but would have also sent the ultimate message to the Government of India.”

   The OSU leader and former minister of the L.D. Kazi Government (1974-1979), K.C. Pradhan, submitted a ‘7-Point Charter of Demand’ to the President of India in July 1999, demanding formation of a high-level committee to look into “the seat reservation issue before the situation gets out of hand.” Pradhan - perhaps the key figure and the main leader of the Nepalese during the merger era - who was also one of the main signatories to the historic May 8, 1973 Tripartite Agreement, warned:  “Continued violation of the terms of merger and deprivation of the political rights of the Sikkimese people cannot be tolerated any longer.” He sent an ultimatum on the seat issue: “The basic political rights of the Sikkimese people must be restored before April 2000 when Sikkim completes 25 years as an Indian State.”

   Pradhan added: “I have from time to time made several representations to the concerned authorities in Delhi and Gangtok about the deteriorating political situation in the State but so far the plight and problems of the Sikkimese people have been ignored. Unfortunately, Delhi continues to ignore my warnings. If the situation is not handled carefully and timely Sikkim will head towards political uncertainty at the dawn of the next millennium. This is neither in the interest of the Sikkimese people nor the nation’s security interests in the region.”

   Pradhan’s stand on the seat issue is consistent with the OSU’s views on the said issue. As early as January 1998, I – as OSU Chairman – made a Press statement urging the Centre to restore the seats by April 2000, when Sikkim completes 25 years as a State of India: “Merger with the world’s largest democracy twenty three years ago would be meaningless if the Sikkimese people are deprived of their fundamental and constitutional rights.”

   I pointed out: “Ever since the merger in 1975 political leadership in the State has been constantly harping on the need for the Centre to respect and honour the ‘terms of the merger’ but the authorities in Delhi are yet to respond positively and decisively on major issues that concern the Sikkimese people…We have waited for more than two decades for restoration of our political rights and this cannot go on forever. By the turn of the century Sikkim will complete 25 years as part of the Indian Union. The Centre must immediately initiate moves to restore Assembly seats for the Sikkimese and the legal and constitutional process on this issue should be completed by the end of 1999.”

   Pradhan’s 7-Point demand included revision of voters list on the basis of 1974 electoral rolls – which had names of only ‘Sikkim Subjects’, delimitation of Assembly constituencies, and safeguards for ‘other Sikkimese’, meaning those other than ‘original Sikkimese’ residing in the State such as members of the old business community and others.

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

 

MY STRUGGLE – III: Dilution of Sikkimese Identity

   The sudden revolt amongst the minority BLs and their decision to boycott the polls was prompted by  the SSP and SDF’s decision to field Sherpa candidates from Rakdong-Tintek constituency in East Sikkim which is one of the 12 Assembly constituencies reserved for ‘Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas’. The Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes Order of 1978 includes Sherpas, traditionally regarded as belonging to the Nepali community, within the definition of ‘Bhutia’ in Sikkim. The Representation of People Act 1980, while referring to the 1978 Scheduled Tribes Order, permits Sherpas and other scheduled tribes in Sikkim, listed in the ’78 Order, to contest from the 12 reserved seats meant for ‘Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas.’ This is because the new entrants to the ST list in the State fall within the definition of ‘Bhutia’ in the 1978 Order.

   The clubbing of 8 communities such as Chumbipa, Dopthapa, Dukpa, Kagaty, Sherpa, Tibetan, Tromopa and Yolmo within the definition of ‘Sikkimese Bhutia’ has been opposed by the indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas, who are against further dilution of their original identity and erosion of their political rights. It may be pointed out that the BLs are not against the eight communities being referred to as ‘Bhutia’, as elsewhere in the Himalayan region some of these communities are clubbed - and rightly so - under the broader category of ‘Bhutia’.

   The objection raised by Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas is that these communities cannot fall under the traditional definition of ‘Sikkimese Bhutia’ – the emphasis is on the word ‘Sikkimese’ and not ‘Bhutia.’ For instance, many people in the region, particularly the Nepalese, refer to Tibetans and Sikkimese Bhutias as ‘Bho-te’. Sometimes the Tibetans from Tibet are referred to as ‘Chin-Bhote’ and Bhutias from Sikkim as ‘Sikkimey Bhote’, meaning Bhutias from China (Tibet) and Bhutias from Sikkim respectively. Hence, the emphasis on the above context is on one’s nationality, territory and origin and not religion, language or community.

   The same argument may be brought forward while defending the unique and distinct identity of the ‘Sikkimese Nepalese.’ Sometimes the expression ‘Nepali of Sikkimese origin’ is used to distinguish between ‘Indian Nepalese’, ‘Sikkimese Nepalese’ and Nepalese from Nepal. It must be borne in mind that one of the basic criteria for grant of citizenship is one’s origin. Therefore, in both cases it is not right and proper to marginalize the original inhabitants of Sikkim or the three ethnic communities politically and economically through inclusion of other groups within the definition of ‘Sikkimese’.

   The Sikkimese people have been very generous, open and broadminded in dealing with non-Sikkimese residing in the State. What they expect in return is to view the present situation in a more positive way and display some amount of care and concern towards the growing feeling of insecurity and apprehension amongst bonafide Sikkimese for their very survival in the land of their origin. The Sikkimese people do not want to become refugees in their own homeland.  In every country or continent governments enact laws and frame rules to protect their own citizens. Why should the Sikkimese people be expected to always accommodate each and every individual who come to Sikkim and in the process risk losing their own rights, interests and identity.

   Open revolt broke out within the SSP when the Bhutia-Lepcha leadership in the party challenged Bhandari on the choice of BL candidates for the October Assembly elections. Bhandari’s decision to give party ticket to former Health Minister O.T. Bhutia from the Rumtek constitutency (reserved for BLs) in East Sikkim led to the resignation of three prominent BL leaders – Nima Lepcha, R.W. Tenzing and Sonam Lachungpa – from the SSP. What made matters worse was Bhandari’s renomination of the sitting SSP MLA, Mingma Sherpa, from Rakdong-Tintek constituency in East Sikkim, which was reserved for the indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas. 

   Former minister and BL heavyweight Sonam Tshering, who was expecting the SSP ticket from his home constituency of Rakdong-Tintek, was ditched at the last moment and this deeply hurt BL sentiments. The BLs expected Bhandari to seize the opportunity and honour his commitment on the Assembly seat issue but they felt let down again. Till the nomination of party candidates the SSP was doing extremely well in its poll campaign. Bhandari himself was pretty certain that he would make a comeback.

   The fact that the SSP chose only two Lepcha candidates from the 12 reserved seats of the BLs made matters worse. The Bhutias, too, felt let down as Bhandari selected only lightweights who were loyal to him. Gradually, a similar pattern also began to emerge in the choice of BL candidates in the ruling party. There, too, BL stalwarts were ignored or eliminated from contesting the polls through devious means.

   My editorial in the Observer (Sept 25-29, 1999) reflected the mood within the minority community: “Not only were the Lepchas thoroughly disgusted with the discriminatory way in which the SSP leadership distributed party tickets, even the Bhutias, who had a major share, were disillusioned. The SDF was expected to capitalize on Bhandari’s failure but when it, too, fielded a Sherpa candidate from Rakdong-Tintek, doubts and apprehension among the BLs surfaced. Furthermore, fielding of 4 Sherpa candidates from Ralong, where SDF stalwart, D.D. Bhutia, is contesting also sent conflicting signals to the people.”

   I reiterated the importance of the political leadership in the State to allot party tickets to bonafide Sikkimese from the three ethnic communities to contest from the 32 seats in the Assembly. If we genuinely and sincerely believe in our declared policy on the Assembly seat issue then it should be reflected in the choice of our candidates. Until the Assembly seat issue is resolved to our satisfaction major political parties, which demand restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people as per Article 371F of the Constitution, must field bonafide Sikkimese BLs from the 13 seats, including the lone reserved seat of the Sangha, and bonafide Sikkimese Nepalese from the 17 general seats and the 2 seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes in the State.

   Any deviation from this stand in the name of political expediency would be harmful for preservation of Sikkimese unity, identity and communal harmony. The need to view the October 1999 Assembly polls from this perspective was emphasized in  the OSU’s appeal on August 26, 1999, when the entire State observed the annual Pang Lhabsol festival, worship of Khangchendzonga, the Guardian Deity of Sikkim:

   “Two decades and six years back the Sikkimese people signed a historic pact on May 8, 1973. Leaders of three major political parties, representing the three ethnic communities of Sikkim – Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese – signed the Tripartite Agreement on May 8, 1973. The signing of this historic Agreement, which reflected the will of the Sikkimese people, was witnessed by the Chogyal of Sikkim and representatives of the Government of India, who were also signatories to this accord. The 1973 Agreement fully protected the political rights of the bonafide Sikkimese people. The Government of Sikkim Act 1974 and Article 371F of the Constitution, which provide special status to Sikkim, reflect the spirit of the May 8 Agreement and the Kabi-Longtsok pact.

   On this historic day of Pang Lhabsol (August 26, 1999), being observed as Sikkimese Unity Day, let us renew our pledge to foster peace, unity and harmony. Seven centuries back in the latter half of the 13th century our ancestors swore eternal blood-brotherhood pact on this day. The Guardian Deities of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people, who belong to the three ethnic communities, were witnesses to this historic oath-taking ceremony”.

   The appeal added: “This treaty of peace, unity and harmony among the Sikkimese people remained intact over the centuries till two and half decades back when the Kingdom of Sikkim became a part of the Indian Union in 1975. As we enter the next millennium let us not only look back to where we have come from but let us look forward and renew our pledge for a common destiny.

   There can be no better way to preserve our unity and identity without the fulfillment of our demand for restoration of our political rights which were taken away prior to the first elections after the merger. The Sikkimese people have the right to preserve their distinct identity within the framework of the Constitution as enshrined in Article 371F.”

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, and jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com