Sikkimese Nepalese Dilemma

 

Chamling

   Our sincere efforts to resolve the seat issue in mid-2000 faced a major setback when the ruling elite created a climate of fear, tension and mistrust on the seat issue. Added to this was the fact that the two OSU leaders – Athup Lepcha and KC Pradhan – representing the Lepchas and Nepalese respectively in our organization, either kept mum or maintained a low profile. I was left all alone to defend the issues raised by us.

   However, the movement for restoration of the political rights of bonafide Sikkimese took a new turn with the SSP chief, N.B. Bhandari, in July 2000 demanding a “special session” of the Assembly to discuss the Assembly seat issue. While denying allegations that his party had raised the seat issue to topple the Chamling Government, Bhandari warned, “The Government may be toppled if there is any delay in resolving the seat issue.”

   He pointed out, “The ruling Government had opposed the demand for restoration of seats by not supporting it in the Assembly.” Bhandari, who first came to power in October 1979, said the seat issue is the “singlemost important demand” of the Sikkimese people since 1979, when the reserved Assembly seats of the Sikkimese Nepalese were abolished and seats reserved for the BLs reduced to 12 from 15. He also pointed out that 40,000 people signed the resolution on the seat issue at a public meeting of his party (Congress-I) in Karfectar in South Sikkim in April 1982.

Bhandari

   The former chief minister not only alleged that “vested interests”, which were “hungry for money and power”, had “sabotaged” his party’s efforts to table a resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly in June 2000, but formation of an Advisory Committee by the Chamling Government on the seat issue, after its rejection of the seat resolution, was an “eyewash” to “fool the people”.

   Apart from Bhandari and Chamling, the OSU had also written to three former chief ministers of the State - L.D. Kazi, B.B. Gooroong, and S.M. Limboo - seeking their active support and participation on the seat issue. Four chief ministers, including Bhandari, ruled the State from 1974 to 1994. Except for Kazi, a Lepcha, the three (Bhandari, Gooroong and Limboo) belonged to the Nepalese community. Their views on the seat issue, when it was raised in the Assembly in June 2000, was important as there was a growing feeling in the State that Sikkimese Nepalese do not really want to preserve their distinct identity through reservation of their seats in the Assembly. Their silence, when the issue was raised by non-political organizations for a speedy and satisfactory resolution, speaks volumes and can never be forgotten or forgiven.

A section of the Nepalese in Sikkim prefer a sizable number of Assembly seats, based on population, be kept for them in the general category rather than having equal number or a reasonable number of seats reserved for them in the reserved category. In this way not only will they have more seats to contest from as they are in the majority but it would also enable non-Sikkimese Nepalese from the Nepali community, who have settled in Sikkim before, during and after the ‘merger’, to identify themselves with Sikkimese Nepalese and contest from these seats.

   Many Sikkimese Nepalese make no distinction between themselves and other Nepalese living in Darjeeling, Assam, Bhutan or Nepal. For them, reservation of Assembly seats exclusively for the Sikkimese Nepalese – irrespective of how many seats are reserved – would divide the Nepalese and cause unnecessary obstacle towards unification of Nepalese living in the region. For short-term gains this approach seems perfect but in the long run the Nepalese will be no match to plainspeople who will surely head to the hills for permanent settlement in years and decades to come. Unlike before when Sikkim was a separate country it would be extremely difficult for the authorities to stop the influx of plainspeople. But no one seems to care for the long-term perspective and what happens here in 20-30 years time.

Pradhan, Kazi and Gurung

   After the failure of the two parties to resolve the seat issue in the House and the controversy, confusion and communal tension that followed I made up my mind not to go ahead on the seat issue unless the Sikkimese Nepalese leadership and the Sikkimese Nepalese themselves gave a clear and concrete verdict on the issue. This was perhaps one of the most important decisions that I have taken in my life. It was a watershed moment in my political thinking.

   My appeal to the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue came through a Press statement on October 18, 2000: “Ever since June 2000, consistent efforts have been made by vested interests to create communal disharmony between the minority Bhutia-Lepcha tribals and the majority Nepalese using the seat issue. Communal pamphleteering, public speeches and whisper campaign against the minority communities were part of a conspiracy to tear apart the age-old fabric of peace, unity and harmony in the State.

   While vested interests, for their political and personal gains, may be up to some mischief it must be borne in mind that the controversy and confusion on the Assembly seat issue has created doubts in the minds of the people on the views of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue. Do the Sikkimese Nepalesse really want to preserve, protect and promote their special status in Sikkim? Do they really want seats reserved for them in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly?

   The controversy created on the seat issue by a section of the people indicates that the Sikkimese Nepalese either do not want seats for themselves in the Assembly or are in two minds on the issue. Doubts have also been raised on whether the Sikkimese Nepalese want to protect their distinct identity as ‘Sikkimese Nepalese’ or merge their identity with the rest of the Nepalese residing in the sub-continent and elsewhere.”

   Referring to the failure to move a resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly in June 2000, I said: “A resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly would have been most democratic and ideal way to discuss and debate on the matter. But this did not take place and instead a climate of fear, apprehension, mistrust and disharmony was created with the sole objective of stalling the issue…

  The OSU was of the firm belief that the Sikkimese Nepalese, like the Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas, did want to retain their special status within the Union. But in the light of what has happened in the past five months, following withdrawal of the resolution on the seat issue, and the negative feelings generated by a section which has become very vocal on the issue, there is the need for the right-thinking people to speak out their mind loud and clear on the said issue and not remain silent spectators to what is happening.”

   My final appeal was: “The OSU is a ‘Sikkimese’ organization and believes in working for the interest of all bonafide Sikkimese hailing from the three ethnic communities and others living in the State in the past so many years.  Therefore, unless the Sikkimese Nepalese from all sections of its population send a clear-cut message on the seat issue the OSU will will not have the moral right and the authority to pursue further on behalf of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the said issues…The OSU will chalk out its future plan of action for the Sikkimese people after it has made an in-depth analysis based on the reactions of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue.”

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

Jigme N. Kazi:

Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS), and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim and Hail Mt. Hermon! A Tribute (2020).

 

 

 

 

My Struggle – VIII

GENUINE REPRESENTATION IN THE ASSEMBLY

   The common misconception on the seat issue is that restoration of Assembly seats to the Sikkimese would mean resorting to the pre-merger seat arrangement (15 seats for BLs, 15 for Nepalese, 1 each for Sangha and Scheduled Castes) in the Assembly, commonly referred to as the “parity formula”, which has been vociferously opposed by a section of the Nepalese during the merger era and thereafter. If we feel that this formula is unjust, unfair, undemocratic and, therefore, unacceptable to us then we have to arrive at a consensus formula through debate and discussion in an atmosphere of mutual trust, understanding, cooperation and tolerance. The basic issue is to ensure that all or majority of the seats in the Assembly – be it 32, 40 or even 60 – be reserved for the three ethnic communities as in the past. We must not allow politicians and vested interests to misguide and lead us astray on this vital issue.

   I personally have always been very open and broadminded on the seat issue. The important thing is that we all think, act and live like a ‘Sikkimese’ – as truly belonging to and caring for Sikkim and the Sikkimese – and not let caste, race and communal politics affect our outlook. I have always been very sensitive on dealing with the seat formula and throughout my professional and political career in the past so many years I have kept mum on this very sensitive and touchy issue.

   At times, K.C. Pradhan, on his personal capacity, publicly declared his own seat formula. But neither the OSU nor I have been party to his formula on the seat issue. His formulae were his personal views – not mine or that of the OSU. I have never openly accepted or rejected Pradhan’s formula though I reported on it in my paper on several occasions. However, I have often taken the liberty of advising Pradhan not to spell out any formula before discussing it with others – formally or informally.

   Arriving at a seat formula before public debate and discussion would not only be like putting the cart before the horse, it would also be undemocratic and unwise. Furthermore, it would lead to unnecessary confusion, misunderstanding and tension – perfect ingredients for vested interests to stall the issue. In fact, this is exactly what happened as we shall see.

   My own views on the seat formula is that we should have a broader outlook in resolving this long-pending demand. Besides the three ethnic communities we need to respect the sentiments and aspirations of those belonging to the business community who are not only plainspeople but come from the hills of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. Then there are others who are temporary residents in the State. Some of them, in years to come, may be referred to as ‘locals’ in the broader sense of the word. As we are now part of India we need to take a broader view - perhaps a more humane approach – on the seat issue and find out ways to ensure that all those residing in Sikkim, whether on permanent or temporary basis, are fairly represented in the Assembly on a long-term basis.

   Genuine representation of the indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas in the Assembly can only be achieved through a just and fair delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The recent delimitation of Assembly constituencies carried out in the State is not in the interest of the minority community. The voting system of the Sangha, based on electoral college, where only the lamas vote for their representative, seems to be an ideal system for the BLs as their population is not only diminishing but scattered all over the State.

   In the past three decades (1974-2004), BL representatives in the Assembly have not been able to fully represent their communities in as well as outside the Assembly and the government as majority of voters in almost all the 12 seats reserved for the BLs were non-BLs belonging basically to the majority Nepalese community. This system has done great injustice to the BLs who see themselves as the vanishing tribes in Sikkim.

   The ‘parity formula’, i.e. reservation of equal number of seats between the BLs and Nepalese, may not be acceptable to the majority Sikkimese Nepalese. We must, therefore, respect their sentiments and evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue that would satisfy the Nepalese and yet be acceptable to the BLs. I believe that in the long run it is better for the Sikkimese Nepalese to have seats reserved for them in the Assembly then to increase the general seats to accommodate them and others. Ultimately, general seats will be filled up by non-Sikkimese, who enter the State from the neighbouring states and countries. The distinct identity and political rights of Sikkimese Nepalese can best be safeguarded if seats are reserved for them in the Assembly. Its small population, the increasing influx of outsiders, and the strategic location of the State are basic factors that help to justify the case for Assembly seat reservation for bonafide Sikkimese. Moreover, India has a moral duty to abide by the assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger.

 

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

Jigme N. Kazi:

Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS), and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim and Hail Mt. Hermon! A Tribute (2020).

 

 

 

My Struggle – VII

PRESS AND POLITICS

    As early as the beginning of 1998 I had adopted a strong view on the continued and blatant violation of assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger and even issued an ultimatum to the Centre and the State Government on the seat issue. The deadline for this ultimatum was April 26, 2000, when Sikkim would complete 25 years as a full-fledged State of the Union of India. I felt the need to take a fresh look on the issue with a view to doing something concrete and radical or even initiate something new and different that would lay the foundation for future initiatives on the seat issue.

    My book was unofficially banned in Sikkim, so I presented to only two persons when it was published in 2014 - former Chief Minister, Nar Bahadur Bhandari (seen above) and former Gangtok MLA and Mayor, Balchand Sarda. 

   More than six years passed by since the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity)  came out in the open on the Assembly seat issue in 1994. In fact, almost ten years had elapsed since I thought of doing something serious on the seat issue. After the 1989 electoral ‘defeat’ of the Opposition in the Assembly polls I felt strongly about getting the OSU started but somehow my main focus was on the Press and my paper. The Sikkim Observer was then perhaps the only English weekly that took journalism seriously in Sikkim. Had there been a few more credible papers in the State I would have given charge of the paper to someone and focused on the OSU.

With former Sikkim CM (1994-2019, Pawan Chamling, in 2017.

   But this wasn’t the case and my priority was to give the paper a firm foundation. I feel that I have been more than successful in this venture though due to circumstances beyond my control the publication of the Observer was irregular at times. However, the very survival of the printing press and the paper – despite trying circumstances for such a long period of time – is something to boast about. I take great pride in the fact that through my publications I have been able to set new standards in print journalism while also making immense contribution to Sikkimese society in general. In the final analysis, success must be measured by our commitment and contribution to the people and to humane and democratic values.

    The importance of regularly bringing out the Observer to inform the people on major events and issues of the day and about the way things were and in the process becoming a catalyst for change in social and political circles was felt deeply all through my career.  This objective has been achieved to a large extent and I intend to devote some time to do an exclusive book on the way we lived and functioned in the Observer.

With former Gangtok MLA and Mayor

   Creating public awareness through the media on vital issues, including social and political matters, is one thing but direct social and political involvement is another matter. Most social and political organizations come and go and pay only lip services to basic issues that concern the long-term interests of the people. My main objective in my profession and as a political activist has been to first create public awareness on the seat issue and then support anyone or any organization, including political parties, which would pursue the seat issue seriously and take it to its logical conclusion.

With former Minister, RC Poudyal.

   I was even prepared to come out in the open and get actively involved in politics on the seat issue till the demand was fulfilled. I had this feeling that others were not really interested on things that became my passion and that only the OSU would be able to do the job. But I could not do it alone. I needed at least two fairly credible, acceptable and known figures from the Lepcha and Nepalese communities and perhaps someone from the old business community who were free and willing to help me lead the movement.

   Since I could not devote full time on the job from 1994, when the OSU was revived, I cannot squarely blame my colleagues in the organization for not taking their responsibilities seriously. We all must humbly accept our shortcomings and move up from there and not let it bog us down. Had we done the right thing and at the right time we would be calling the shots now. Unfortunately, this was not the case then and people were, once again, forced to rely on petty and narrow-minded politicians and those who raise issues with an ulterior motive. This is the main reason why movements – even great movements – often fail. They lack people who have a firm conviction and committed to a cause. It is this conviction that forces them to commit themselves to a cause whose main objective is for the common good of all people.

With former MLA, NB Khatiwada.

   One of the main reasons why I remained quiet on the seat issue after the OSU’s revival in 1994 was that I expected Chamling to take up the issue seriously and resolve it to the satisfaction of all communities. Those, including Chamling, who claim that democracy was restored after the SDF came to power in December 1994, must be ready and willing to fight for the democratic rights of the people in the changed political atmosphere. Restoration of democracy would be useless and meaningless if the people’s basic political and democratic rights are not restored.

    I had no real interest in getting involved in local politics besides trying to safeguard the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union. This can largely be achieved if we are able to restore all the 32 seats in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese. It is up to us to evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue but this must be done within the framework of Article 371F of the Constitution, which is the basic foundation for laying the four cornerstones – cultural, social, economic and political – of our distinct identity.

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

 

“SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE”

THE RISE AND FALL OF NAR BAHADUR BHANDARI

In 1986 (the year I started my own Gangtok-based English weekly, Sikkim Observer, after three years into journalism), I asked the former Sikkim Legislative Assembly’s Deputy Speaker, Lal Bahadur Basnet, who won on the Parishad ticket from Gangtok in the 1979 Assembly elections, whether it was possible for the original Parishad team to forget the past and come together and work for the interest of the people as they had once set out to do. His immediate reply was, “Bhandari has now reached a point of no return.” Many others, who were earlier with Bhandari, felt the same way.

   After Bhandari’s fall in May 1984, I devoted an entire issue of the July 1984 issue of the Spotlight on Sikkim on him. Entitled “The Rise and Fall of Nar Bahadur Bhandari”, I stated: “Though Bhandari has long abandoned the cause of the people, his final departure from the post of leadership symbolizes the end of an era, which can be best described in the words of Tennyson” “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.” Perhaps Sikkim will look back to this era and recall this period as Sikkim’s ‘finest hour’. Bhandari will then not be remembered for the wrongs he had done but for the things he hoped to do and for the dreams he set out to fulfill.”

   My views on political developments in Sikkim after the merger and before the first Assembly elections in 1979 was clear: “The victory of Bhandari’s Sikkim Parishad in 1979 elections symbolized the triumph of anti-merger forces, whose main objective can be best expressed in three words – “Sikkim for Sikkimese”. Thus, Bhandari was not important in himself but what he represented. The disintegration of his party and his personal loss of credibility stems from the fact that he had drifted far beyond the people’s wildest expectations from the stand that the Parishad had initially taken.

   Their Election Manifesto promised: “This party, if returned to power, is committed to giving the Sikkimese people back their self-respect and sense of dignity,” is now just another dream. The Parishad also swore that it would, if given the chance, punish the corrupt regime of the Kazi Government for all its ‘corruption, favouritism and nepotism practised since 1974’. Ironically, corruption was one of the major factors that led to Bhandari’s downfall. Even some of his genuine supporters acknowledge the fact that even under the Kazi Government, corruption had not reached such a height as is prevalent today.”

   I added, “The ‘sons of the soil’ policy formulated and propagated by the Bhandari Government has not made much headway. Selling of reserved seats of Sikkimese students to non-locals, indiscriminate allocation and distribution of building sites and trade licenses, discrimination regarding grant of scholarships to students, refusal to allot work to local contractors on tender basis, favouritism and red-tapism concerning jobs in government service, and back-door leverage for non-locals to share in the State’s administrative and economic development plans are a few examples of the Bhandari Government’s various activities which do not reflect the ‘sons of the soil’ policy they so passionately propagated before coming to power.

2010 meet in Gangtok: (L to R) Jigme N. Kazi, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, PM Subba, former Sikkim Lok Sabha MP and KN Upreti, former Minister in Bhandari Government.)

   Over the years, Bhandari gradually lost the support of his own party colleagues. They claim they were Bhandari’s genuine supporters, who were with him ‘through thick and thin’ during his political wilderness experience when he was constantly harassed by both the Central and State governments for his anti-merger stand. It was these people, with the help of a few others, who later formed a nucleus that ultimately influenced the formation of a dissident group within the Cong (I) fold to knock down Bhandari.

  Although Bhandari’s ‘Sikkim for Sikkimese’ slogan and de-merger promises attracted a large following in the last election, many people did not believe that things would be as simple as the promises that were made. But one thing they did not anticipate was Bhandari’s betrayal on certain basic issues concerning the people. The oft-repeated phrase – ‘Kazi sold the body, Bhandari sold the soul’ – has some relevance to the gradual erosion of the distinctive character for the Sikkimese way of life.”

   I then summed up: “Bhandari is still very young and will no doubt try to come back to power. His abrupt dismissal from the post he so dearly coveted does not necessarily mean the end of his political career. He has the potential of making a comeback provided he learns not to overdo things. However, he cannot hope to regain his pre-’79 status to ensure future electoral victories.

   Try as he may, Bhandari will never again win back the respect and love of the people of Sikkim, which he so freely and fully received in ample measure during the 7-year period of the merger controversy. Never again will he hope for the same from the people, for he, he alone knows that he has miserably failed to prove his worth to the people, whose cause he so dearly championed and for whom he sacrificed so much.

   In the final analysis, it is the Central Government that has come out victorious in destroying anti-merger forces, which played a predominant role in the last election under the leadership of Nar Bahadur Bhandari. There never was a man, who could so successfully unite all sections of the population under one banner as Bhandari had done, and there never will be another such man for a long time. Never have the Sikkimese people bestow so much faith and confidence on one man in such a short time. Bhandari’s failure to fulfill their innermost hopes and aspirations for a strong, stable, and united Sikkim within the borders of India, is his greatest tragedy and the Government of India’s biggest achievement.

    Looking back in retrospect, one sees enough evidence to justify the fact that Bhandari and his colleagues unconsciously became victims of circumstances and political intrigues that finally broke them into pieces and shattered every hope of them coming together on the same plank they once stood so unitedly.”

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

 

“Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

“Only dead fish go with the flow” 

‘There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises….The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi" 

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The Press Club of Sikkim conferred the “Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar 2012” award to journalist-cum-writer Jigme N Kazi at a function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012. The following is the full text of Kazi’s acceptance speech:

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 Hon’ble Chief Guest, Secretary IPR, Press Club Advisor, Press Club President, distinguished guests and friends,

   On Receiving the Award: I feel very privileged to be here today to receive the Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar award from the Press Club of Sikkim on its decadal foundation year. I am told by the Press Club that it had “unanimously decided” to confer this award for my “outstanding contribution and dedication” made during the last three decades (1983-2012) in the field of journalism.

   I believe that by conferring this award to this long-time black-listed man, who is forced to live in self-imposed exile in his own homeland, the Press in Sikkim is sending a clear message to those who care to listen. And that message is loud and clear: the Press in Sikkim wants to be more free and independent and those in power and the people at large should take note of it and respect its stand.

(L to R) IPR Secretary KS Tobgay, Chief Guest CK Shrestha, Sikkim Observer Editor Jigme N Kazi, Press Club Advisor CD Rai, Press Club General Secretary Joseph Lepcha and Press Club President Bhim Rawat at the Press Club of Sikkim function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012.

   I enjoy doing what I do – be it eating, taking a walk or writing. I seek no reward and recognition in doing these things even if what I do benefits those around me.

   People often criticize me of being stubborn and always swimming against the tide. Let me remind them of what US vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin said: “Only dead fish go with the flow.” Living with walking corpses all these years has been a very painful experience. It is better to be exiled in foreign shores than having to undergo constant suffocation at home. However, if this is the cross that I was born to bare then I must live with it whether I like it or not.

   Yes, we have more journalists and more newspapers today than when I started in this profession 30 years back. But I’m not too sure whether we are more free, objective and independent in our reporting. What is more important in life is quality, not quantity, and this also applies to the Fourth Estate, particularly when so many people depend and look up to the Press to make the right decision.

   Sikkimese Society: If we cannot uphold certain basic and fundamental values of human existence such as freedom, democracy, justice, self-respect and the rule of law we miss the opportunity that life offers to each one of us. The first indication of a society’s degeneration is when individuals live and work only for themselves. Sikkim is on the verge of being a dead and decadent society. Our constant efforts to camouflage ourselves will not work in the long run. We will be fully exposed when the time comes.

   We locals often distance ourselves from the byaparis, the business community, for encroaching into our economic and political rights and interests. Little do we realize that while they sell potatoes, tomatoes etc. we are the real byaparis. We have sold our king, our flag, our country, our distinct identity and political rights. Not content with this we are still selling our hills and valleys, our lakes and rivers, our land and people, our religion and culture, and worse of all our self-respect and dignity. Is it really worth sweating it out for such people?

   Sikkim Politics: Me and my kind have lived through this bitter period in Sikkim’s history. In our efforts to fight for the common cause we have brought down five chief ministers and made four chief ministers in the past so many years.  We did this for a good cause and without any selfish motive. We are not to be blamed if our political leadership continuously fails us and lets us down the moment they come to power.

   I took leave from the Fourth Estate at the end of the year 2000 to make my personal contribution to Sikkim politics when I was convinced that those we backed were betraying us and the issues we raised for petty considerations. Unlike many others, I could not hang around and hide myself safe and secure in a small corner when I was convinced that we were being led to a dead-end street. I left active politics after three and half years in August 2004 when I was fully convinced that I was heading nowhere and those around me were still deeply involved in petty politics. There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises.

   It is futile to fight for the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union if the leaders of our larger community are not sure of who they are, whom they represent, and what they really want. Nepal’s political situation, where ethnic communities are being reduced to a minority in the land of their origin, has still not opened our eyes. This is because while our head is still not clear our heart is full of greed. When will we ever live in a place where the mind is without fear and the head is held high? When will this non-stop looting stop? Corruption has reached a point of no return. Disillusionment has set in and this seems to be irreversible. These are dangerous trends in a sensitive and strategic border State like Sikkim.

   India’s Role in Sikkim: Even if our political leadership has failed us time and again,India must live up to the expectations of the Sikkimese people. If it continues to ignore the hopes and aspirations of those who sacrificed their country so that this nation may live in peace and security there may come a day when Sikkim will become a hot-bed of international politics. We may not see that day but that day is not afar if India fails to honour its commitments made to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people during the takeover.

(L to R) 'Stop Muzzling the Press': Angry local journalists stage a protest rally in Gangtok on June 19, 1993. (L to R) Joseph S. Lepcha, Govind P. Sharma, Deependra Khati, Tsering T. Namgyal and Jigme N. Kazi. (Ref: 'Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

   The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi. The erosion of our unique and distinct cultural identity, the systematic manner in which seeds of division are sown in our social fabric, and finally the destruction caused to our fragile environment and ecology cannot and must not be easily condoned. We cannot blame our leaders only; we, too, have shamelessly become agents of division, disunity and destruction. We have sown the wind; we will surely reap the whirlwind.

   Hope and Gratitude: I’m grateful to the Press Club of Sikkim for recognizing my work and honouring me on this very special day. This is the time and the moment to renew our pledge for a strong, united, free and independent Press in the State.

   On this special day I want to remember those who have helped me in my three-decade-long career. Some of them are late Chukie Tobden, Suresh Pramar, Devraj Ranjit, Tenzing Chewang and Pema Wangchuk. I also owe a deep sense of gratitude to the Chamling Government and to those who worked or in any way associated with my printing press and publications.

   Living the way I did is a risky business and I want to say how happy and grateful I am to my wife Tsering, her parents,  and my four kids – Tashi, Yangchen, Sonam and Kunga – for letting me live my life freely and dangerously for so long.

   I hope my endeavours will light up your path and help you to bear the burden of being free and independent in a hostile climate in the days and years to come. My message to you on this day comes from Rev. Jesse Jackson: “Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

   On Myself: French Emperor Napoleon Bonarpate (1769-1821) once said: “There are only two forces in the world, the sword and the spirit. In the long run the sword will always be conquered by the spirit.”

   I have already said “I have accepted the death of my dreams” a few years back and I stand by it.

   However, I have filed my petition in the court of Khangchendzonga, Sikkim’s Guardian Deity, to seek justice – for Sikkim, the Sikkimese people and for myself. I am still patiently waiting for the verdict. That this award should come at this time and in the name of our Presiding Deity is not only very auspicious but meaningful as well.

   Thank you all, both for this wonderful award and your determination to preserve the integrity, independence and freedom of the Press in Sikkim. 

(Full text published in Sikkim Observer, July 21, 2012; jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com

, republished in social media on November 16, 2025, National Press Day.)

 

MY STRUGGLE - VI:  A MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATON OF POLITICAL RIGHTS

 

    Former Minister, K C Pradhan, and Jigme N. Kazi.

On October 10, 1999, a week after the polls (1999 Assembly elections), the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity) formed its first frontal organization – Sikkim Khukuri-Khorlo Movement (SKKM). Pradhan – now 63 and still going strong – was appointed President of the new body, whose main role and objective was to “spearhead the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese”. The formation of the new body was well timed. It sent a clear message to the people and those in power that the OSU would not only continue with the seat issue but would adopt a more strident method to achieve its objectives.

   After Pradhan was appointed SKKM President by myself as OSU Chairman we hoisted the red and yellow flag of our organization in Gangtok for the first time. Till this point the khukuri (traditional weapon of the Nepalese) and the khorlo (wheel of dharma representing the BLs) remained a mere symbol of the organization. The wheel, which also represented the chakra in the national flag, also reflected the sentiments of ‘other Sikkimese’ in the State. Now, under the changed circumstances, it became the organization’s flag, symbolizing the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people. Formation of the SKKM was seen as a virtual revolt against those who let us down and were bent on coming to power irrespective of the irreparable damage done to the future of Sikkim and the Sikkimese. It not only reflected our commitment to the common cause of all Sikkimese but also our resolve to achieve our objectives.

   The Inner Circle of Sikkim (ICS) was first conceived in 1981 during my college days in Bombay. It took shape in the ’80s and surfaced only in 1994, when political instability rocked the State, leading to the abrupt downfall of the 15-year-old Bhandari Government. While the ICS was regarded as the think-tank and top policy-making body of the organization the SKKM became the OSU’s main frontal wing. The OSU remained as the main body of the entire organizational set-up.

   “With the formation of SKKM the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people will assume a new dimension. The SKKM will now take the initiative in ensuring the Sikkimese people’s participation in the democratic movement,” the OSU’s Press statement said on October 10, 1999, a historic day for the organization.

   Adopting different strategies to achieve its objectives, the OSU sought the help and cooperation of “all political and social organizations in Sikkim and all sections of the population in the State.” While stating that “Both the Central and State governments will also be taken into confidence in our sincere and genuine efforts to preserve Sikkim for the future generations of the Sikkimese people,” the OSU said it was “committed to observing peaceful, non-violent and democratic means to achieve its objectives.”

   By openly declaring that we would take everyone into confidence while going about our job we wanted to send a clear message to all concerned, including the State Government, that we were open to suggestions and ready to take help from any quarter. This message and our sincerity in dealing with the issue in the past so many years – sometimes under very difficult and trying circumstances – ought to have cleared all doubt and misunderstanding and opened channels of communication with all concerned parties, including the State Government and the ruling party (Sikkim Democratic Front).

   All parties – if they are really keen on solving our basic political issues – should and could have seized the opportunity, got our support and settled the issue once and for all. Our main objective was to solve the problem and get our demands met; we were not there to take credit for our efforts and our success. Many failed to understand this and this led to doubt, mistrust and misunderstanding. Those looking for personal and political gains on the issue either doubted our motive or refused to join hands with us as they feared being left out in the cold. Our credibility, competence and commitment to the cause made those who profess to also champion the same cause insignificant and insecure. This was indeed the main reason why they failed or deliberately did not cooperate and caused unnecessary obstacles in our fight for our survival. If you yourself are not trustworthy you also fail to trust others. In such a situation ‘common cause’ becomes the ultimate victim.

   Despite the OSU’s pledge that it would not take part in electoral politics in the State unless seats in the Assembly were restored to the Sikkimese, the political establishment had great doubt on us and tried to suppress our movement through devious means. It felt that if we – KC-Jigme combine (KC Pradhan is often referred to as ‘KC’) – succeeded in our mission it would lead to the eclipse of many politicians and political parties, which for a long time have been fooling and misleading the people on the said issue for their vested interests.

   One of the top bureaucrats close to Chamling from the BL community tried to arrange secret meetings between Pradhan and the Chief Minister during this period. Why doesn’t Chamling want to meet me or for that matter the entire OSU team? Had Chamling done this he would surely have benefitted a great deal. The precarious situation we were facing made me write the editorial in the Observer in December 1999 under the caption “Sikkim’s Future: Agents of Disunity At Work”: “The move initiated by some senior bureaucrats from the minority Bhutia-Lepcha community on the demand for restoration of Assembly seats in the State is not very encouraging. Their negative attitude towards those who are genuinely involved in the movement for restoration of the democratic rights of the Sikkimese people as per the terms and spirit of Sikkim’s ‘merger’ reflects a colonial mindset and sycophancy that is gradually growing in the State administration. To please their political masters they are going against the hopes and aspirations of the Sikkimese people, who are looking for ways to safeguard their long-term rights and interests in the land of their origin.

   For nearly a decade and half after the ‘merger’ the legitimate rights of the Sikkimese people belonging to the three ethnic communities have been suppressed. Under the leadership of Pawan Chamling the Sikkimese people were successful in ensuring that a climate of fear was removed and the democratic process reinstated. Having fought for restoration of democracy in the State it is now the right and the responsibility of the Sikkimese people to openly and fearlessly come together and march ahead hand-in-hand for their ultimate fight to preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union.”

   The editorial added: “Any move to browbeat or suppress the Sikkimese people’s movement for a special place in the Indian Union cannot and must not be tolerated. All those who have an evil design and a hidden agenda for Sikkim will surely be exposed even as they consciously or unconsciously reveal their true nature. While adjustments can be made on minor matters there cannot be any compromise on basic issues that concern the Sikkimese people.

   The leadership of the Organization of Sikkimese Unity (OSU), which is spearheading the demand for restoration of all the 32 seat in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, have rightly observed that they will not bow to the diktats of those who are unwilling to fight for the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people.

   What should rightly be brought to the notice of the public is the attempt made by some highly-placed bureaucrats to either buy off or cause a split in the organizations, including OSU, which are hell-bent on preserving Sikkim for the coming generations of the Sikkimese people. One senior officer pointed out that Revenue Order No 1 fully protected the interest of the minority community and it was unwise to demand restoration of Assembly seats for the original Bhutia-Lepchas in the State. Is this acceptable to the BLs? Certainly not. In a small State like Sikkim restoration of the democratic rights through seat reservation is the only weapon to ensure the survival of the Sikkimese against massive influx in the State.

   Another senior officer is making concerted attempts in causing disunity and misunderstanding among the OSU leadership. His attempts to arrange secret meetings with one of the OSU leaders with the powers-that-be is an indication that something is wrong somewhere. These developments must be viewed in the light of the Government’s attempts to crackdown on those who recently organized a 12-hour hunger strike on the seat issue on October 2.”

   The editorial reiterated its stand on the Assembly seat issue: “For the first time in the past twenty five years a serious and genuine attempt is being made by concerned citizens to respect the mandate given by the Sikkimese people on the seat issue. Ever since the abolition of Assembly seats reserved for the Sikkimese people in 1979 to this day the Sikkimese people have voiced their legitimate concern for their future survival in the State. “

   The editorial added: “A handful of politicians and bureaucrats cannot and must not be allowed to suppress the democratic urges of the Sikkimese people for their vested interests. The Sikkimese people will certainly be faced with many challenges in the near future. When a new situation comes into being and when the Sikkimese people are on the crossroad they ought to take note of who their real friends and enemies are. Sometimes wolves are clothed in sheep’s clothing. The time is nearing when the sheep and the goats will be forced to take their rightful place in society. To avoid any embarrassing situation the concerned authorities must fall in line and bow down to the wishes of the people. As the new millennium approaches Sikkim and the Sikkimese people will be given a new opportunity to redefine their place in the world’s largest democracy. What is needed is reconciliation and a more positive attitude to move forward together.”

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)