SIKKIM
OBSERVER Saturday June 28 – July 4, 2014
Blog:jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com
Fiery Assembly session: Opp keeps govt on its toes
SKM LEGISLATORS WALKOUT IN PROTEST AGAINST
‘ANTI-NATIONAL’ TAG
Gangtok, June 27: For the first time in years the budget session of the
Assembly this time has been a fiery one. Led by Sikkim Krantikari Morcha (SKM)
President PS Golay, the treasury bench was kept on its toes with members of the
Opposition comprising 10 MLAs refusing to budge and cornered the government on
many issues ranging from Article 371F, Assembly seat reservation for Tamang and
Limbu communities, water shortage and poor maintenance of roads in the State.
On Tuesday, the Sangha
MLA Sonam Kaloen Lama charged the government of its neglect in not mentioning
the long-pending demand for restoration of Assembly seats of Sikkimese Nepalese
in the Governor’s address.
There was heated
exchange of words when Chief Minister Pawan Chamling alleged that any reference
to the historic Tripartite Agreement of May 8, 1973 was ‘anti-national’.
The Chief Minister’s
refusal to acknowledge a letter communicated to the Union Government by his own
Chief Secretary ND Chingapa in 2006 that suggested seat reservation issue for
Limbu- Tamangs be kept on hold did not
go down well with the Opposition.
The government’s
failure to grant income tax exemption to the State’s old settlers figured in
the Assembly debate. Chamling closed the lid on this explosive issue by stating
that the matter was with the Supreme Court.
Another touchy
issue raised in the Assembly by the Opposition was the government’s move to do
away with the categorisation of a section of Nepalese listed as Most Backward
Classes (MBC) and to revert them back to their former OBC status.
The drama in the
Assembly climaxed when the entire Opposition legislators led by Golay staged a
walkout from the Assembly today in protest against the move to brand Opposition
legislators as ‘anti-national’ when they raised issues regarding Article 371F.
“When we raised
the issue of Article 371F we were termed anti-national and we walked out of the
House in protest. When we talk about Article 371F we were accused of going
against the Constitution,” Golay said at a hurriedly convened press conference
after the walkout.
Golay also alleged
that the Speaker KN Rai acted in a discriminatory manner and failed to observe
the rules of the House. The walkout was also in protest against the Speaker’s
decision to expunge Golay’s statement on numerous issues during Zero Hour from
proceedings of the House.
On Monday, the
Chief Minister presented the annual budget of Rs 6666.71 crore of which the plan
outlay is fixed at Rs 3497.03 and non-plan at Rs. 3169.68.
Shamar Rinpoche: cremation in Kathmandu on July 31
Kudung to remain in Kalimpong for a fortnight from July 1
Gangtok, June 27: The funeral of Shamar Rinpoche, who passed away in
Germany on June 11, will be held in Kathmandu on July 31, coinciding with the
auspicious day when Lord Buddha first turned the Wheel of Dharma.
One of the most
prominent spiritual figures of Tibetan Buddhism and one of the most influential
personalities of Karma Kagyu tradition of Tibetan Buddhism died of cardiac
arrest at the meditation center of his Bodhi Path organization in Renchen-Ulm,
sources said. He was only 61.
Shamar Rinpoche Mipham Chokyi Lodro was born
in Derge, Kham, in eastern Tibet. At the age of four he was recognized by the
16th Karmapa, Rangjung Rigpei Dorje, as
the 14th Shamarpa.
The 14th Shamar
Rinpoche is one of the three main disciples of the previous Karmapa. After the
death of the 16th Karmapa, Shamarpa recognized Thaye Dorje as the 17th Karmapa
in 1994. However, Tai Situpa Rinpoche chose another boy, Ogyen Trinley Dorje,
as the 17th Karmapa who was also approved by the Tibetan leader His Holiness
the Dalai Lama.
In a statement
after his meeting with the Dalai Lama on August 13, 2010, Shamar Rinpoche said,
“I met His Holiness the Dalai Lama iin Dharamsala at His Holiness’ residence.
We had a discussion for approximately one and a half hours and had a very
important and detailed exchange of views regarding the ongoing Karmapa
controversy and its possible solution. Although this matter is not easily
resolved, since it is connected to the politics of China and India as well,
with His Holiness Dalai Lama’s blessing and support I am confident that there
will be an amicable solution, which will be beneficial for the Karma Kagyü
lineage, as well as for Tibetan Buddhism in general.”
Several thousand
Buddhists from all over the world met at Renchen village to pay their last
respects to Shamar Rinpoche. His Holiness the 17th Karmapa Thaye Dorje led the
impressive farewell ceremony for his teacher. He accompanied Shamar Rinpoche on
his last journey to New Delhi, where his mortal remains is being kept.
Shamar Rinpoche
himself did not fear death. In one of his last teachings he said: "You
don't need to be afraid of death if you know how to practice [meditation] in
death."
After his death,
letters of condolence were received from many high masters of Tibetan Buddhism
as well as the Royal Family of the Kingdom of Bhutan. "I have known
Rinpoche for many years and my family and I will always remember Shamar
Rinpoche as a close and dear friend," His Majesty Druk Gyalpo Jigme Singye
Wangchuck, the 4th King of Bhutan, wrote.
With its more than 180 meditation and study
centers, the Karma Kagyu is the most widespread Buddhist school in Germany. It
is worldwide represented by more than 900 monasteries as well as meditation
centers under the guidance of Karmapa Thaye Dorje.
Since the Kudung
of Sharmar Rinpoche arrived at the Karmapa International Buddhist Institute
(KIBI) from Germany, His Holiness Karmapa Thaye Dorje along with the sangha
have been performing daily prayers.
The Kudung of
Shamar Rinpoche, accompanied by His Holiness Karmapa Thaye Dorje, will be
leaving for Kalimpong on the July 1. Devotees of the Late Rinpoche from Bhutan,
Sikkim and Darjeeling will pay their respects to the departed soul while the
Kudung remains for a fortnight at Kalimpong’s
Shri Diwakar Vihara Buddhist Research and Educational Institute that Rinpoche
had established.
Attempts were made
to bring the Kudung to Rumtek monastery in Sikkim but the authorities refused
to give permission citing law and order problem.
On July 14, His
Holiness Karmapa Thaye Dorje will be accompanying Kudung of Rinpoche on the
final journey to Shar Minub Monastery in Kathmandu, the main seat of Shamar
Rinpoche, which will be the final resting place for his Kudung. The cremation
will take place on July 31, which coincides with the first turning of the
dharma wheel by Buddha Shakyamuni.
During Sharmar
Rinpoche’s lifetime, it was his wish to build a Kudung stupa in the land of his
own seat. Thus, a stupa will be constructed to contain the remains of the 14th
Shamarpa.
HIMALAYAN Buddhism
Shamar Rinpoche fled Tibet with 16th
Karmapa and settled in Sikkim
.jpg) |
| 14th Shamarpa Mipham Chökyi Lodrö (1952 – 2014) |
Kunzig Shamar
Rinpoche died of a cardiac arrest on June 11th, 2014 in Renchen-Ulm, Germany,
at the age of 62. Many Buddhists worldwide are deeply stricken by his death.
With heartfelt thankfulness and great respect we bid farewell to our lineage
holder.
The 14th Shamarpa
Mipham Chokyi Lodro was one of the highest Lamas of Tibetan Buddhism. As
lineage holder of the Karma Kagyu tradition, against much political resistance,
he enthroned Trinley Thaye Dorje as the 17th Karmapa in accordance to the
tradition.
Mipham Chökyi
Lodrö was born in Derge (East Tibet) in 1952. At four years of age he was
recognized as the 14th incarnation of the Shamar Tulkus by his uncle, the 16th
Karmapa.
Together with the
16th Karmapa he fled the Chinese occupied Tibet in 1959, leaving his Tibetan
seat Yangpachen behind, finally reaching Sikkim. At Rumtek monastery, he
received a traditional training and the complete transmission of the Karma
Kagyu School. Subsequently the Karmapa, the head of the tradition, appointed
him as the next lineage holder.
Thus the 16th
Karmapa followed the history of the Karma Kagyu tradition. Many Shamarpas
before had been the closest students of the respective Karmapas as well as the
teacher of the succeeding one. Next to the Karmapa’s, the tradition of the
Shamarpas is the second oldest lineage of Buddhist masters leaving clues prior
to their death predicting their next reincarnation in order to be able to
continue the activity of their predecessors as soon as possible. The lineage of
the Shamar Tulkus goes back to the 13th century.
The 14th Shamar Rinpoche and the 16th
Gyalwa Karmapa.
In 1967, the 16th
Karmapa confirmed Kunzig Shamarpa in an official document as the second highest
Lama of the Karma Kagyu school, thereby appointing him with the responsibility
of finding and enthroning the next lineage holder. Karmapa Rangjung Rigpe Dorje
died in 1981. To share the responsibility of administrating Rumtek, Karmapa’s
seat in exile, and other affairs of the Karma Kagyu tradition, a council of
young high-ranking Lamas more or less of the same age had formed. Along with
Shamar Rinpoche, it consisted of Situ Rinpoche, Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche and
Gyaltsab Rinpoche.
Soon disagreements
arose among the four. Shamar Rinpoche had clues about the reincarnation of the
16th Karmapa. Because of the Chinese occupation it was difficult to get in
touch with his family in Central Tibet. Meanwhile Situ Rinpoche sought for
cooperation with the Chinese authorities to abet a limited revival of Buddhism
and the reconstruction of destroyed monasteries in Tibet. The situation got
increasingly critical when in spring of 1992 Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche, who had
repeatedly been mediating between the two parties, died in a car accident.
Situ Rinpoche named a nomad boy from East
Tibet as the new Karmapa candidate and enthroned him at the Karmapas’ main seat
at Tsurphu monastery, giving him the name Urgyen Trinley Dorje. Beforehand, he
had obtained the consent of the Chinese government as well as the Dalai Lama,
the political leader of Tibetans in exile.
While Situ Rinpoche’s
Karmapa candidate Urgyen Trinley Dorje was not allowed to travel and the
Communist Party was trying to put him up for political purposes, Shamarpa
prepared the flight of his Karmapa Thaye Dorje from Tibet. It was very
important for him, that the future Karmapa should be able to grow up and work
in freedom.
In accordance with
the tradition of the Karma Kagyu lineage, Shamar Rinpoche, after the Karmapa
the highest-ranking lineage holder, enthrones Thaye Dorje as the 17th Gyalwa
Karmapa.
Aided by Western Buddhists,
Karmapa Thaye Dorje reached India. At the beginning of 1994, he was officially
enthroned according to the tradition of the Karma Kagyu lineage by the
Shamarpa. In the following years, the relationship between Shamarpa and the
Tibet Government in Exile was not always easy. Legal disputes about Karmapa’s
seat in exile at Rumtek and the relics stored there dragged out. In various
talks with the Dalai Lama, Kunzig Shamar Rinpoche tried to find a mutual
agreement for the situation.
Shamar Rinpoche
was a highly respected teacher of Buddhists in the East and the West. He gave
numerous teachings and empowerments in Diamondway Buddhist Centers and at the
Europe Center, the international meeting point of Diamondway Buddhism in
Immenstadt. To meet the needs of his Western students especially following his
curriculum, in the 1990s Shamarpa founded the Bodhi Path centers which today
are represented in 20 countries throughout Europe, America and Asia.
In “Creating a
Transparent Democracy” he drafted a model for a political system and a society
inspired by Buddhist principles. The preface was written by the South African
bishop and Nobel Peace laureate Desmond Tutu. He also wrote an extensive
biography of the 10th Karmapa Choying Dorje (1604-1674) who lived in difficult
political times in Tibet. Kunzig Shamar Rinpoche also founded an organization
for the protection of animals called “Infinite Compassion Foundation” that
especially worked for a humane treatment of productive livestock.
A few days before
his death Shamar Rinpoche guided a meditation course in Renchen-Ulm. One of his
last teachings was: “You don’t have to be afraid of death if you know how to
practice in death.” (Bodi Path Renchen-Ulm Karmapa in
Deutschland (German) Shamarpa.org)
Editorial
‘SIKKIM SUBJECT’ ISSUE
Right Move, Wrong
Time
The move that
could have got the overwhelming support of bonafide Sikkimese is now met with
derision and suspicion. The Chamling Government’s decision to accord top
priority to ‘Sikkim Subjects’, citizens of the former Kingdom of Sikkim, in
matters pertaining to employment, incentives, facilities etc. in Sikkim is
widely perceived to be a move to punish those who sided with the Opposition
Sikkim Krantikari Morcha (SKM) and voted against the ruling Sikkim Democratic
Front (SDF) in the recent Assembly and Lok Sabha polls rather than a genuine
effort to protect the rights and interests of bonafide Sikkimese who basically
hail from the three ethnic communities – Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese of
Sikkimese origin. And yet this decision – irrespective of whatever the motive
and undue delay in its implementation – if pursued to its logical conclusion will
go a long way in giving justice to the Sikkimese people who have for long hoped
and prayed that the Chamling Government and in particular the Chief Minister,
Pawan Chamling, himself will come to their senses and honour the commitment
made to the Sikkimese people before the 1994 Assembly polls. It is most unfortunate
that the present government which has
been in power for over two decades since December 1994 is now realizing the
present predicament faced by the locals and taking precautionary measures to
set things right.
If he is serious Chamling
ought to follow Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s example of setting an ideal
example and starting the clearing up process right from the top. Firstly, the
present legislators, including the two MPs, must disclose their Sikkim Subject
Certificate in original for public scrutiny. The alleged 35,000 fake Sikkim
Subject Certificates held by a section of the State’s residents must be
scrapped with immediate effect. Secondly, Article 371F, which is based on the
historic May 8, 1973 Tripartite Agreement, ensures that Assembly seats be reserved
for bonafide Sikkimese possessing genuine Sikkim Subject Certificate.
Therefore, the Chamling Government must revive its demand for reservation of
Assembly seats for Sikkimese Nepalese. The 12 reserved seats in the Assembly
should also be restored to bonafide Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas. The Modi
Government, too, must honour the terms of Sikkim’s merger and restore the
traditional political rights of the Sikkimese people at the earliest.
Narendra Modi’s
Bhutan visit will expand India’s influence in Asia
By
CLAUDE ARPI
School children
greeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Bhutan recently.
On Sunday
afternoon, Prime Minister Narendra Modi landed at Thimphu. A touching
ceremonial welcome by Bhutanese school children awaited him. It was Modi’s
first visit abroad.
Fifty six years
ago Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India, visited
Bhutan too. But it was another era.
In October 1958,
in a letter to the Chief Ministers, Nehru recalls: “After I left Gangtok, I was
almost entirely cut off from communications till my return to Gangtok two and a
half weeks later. I received an occasional message by wireless from Delhi.
…There were no newspapers at all and I had a sensation of being in another
world.”
At that time, it
was no question of landing anywhere in Bhutan. The PM, Indira Gandhi and their
entourage had to undertake a long trek via the Chumbi Valley in Tibet. It was
the customary and easiest road to reach the Kingdom of the Dragon. India had
just built a road till Nathu-la, the border between Sikkim and Tibet.
Nehru remarked:
“On the Tibetan side, this road will be a much simpler proposition than the one
that we have built on our side. Through road traffic would make a great
difference to trade as well as to travellers. There is still a considerable
inflow of goods from India to Tibet although this has gone down during the last
year or two.”
Why should the
trade have gone down? Simply because the Chinese had established themselves on
the Tibetan plateau and had decided to drastically reduce the trade exchanges
between India and Tibet.
At that time,
India still had a Consulate General in Lhasa and 3 Trade Agencies in Gyantse,
Yatung and Gartok (Western Tibet).
Nehru, who spent 2
nights in Yatung’s Trade Agency, recalled: “Yatung was a small spread out town.
The main market road was full of Indian shops. There were, I believe, over
ninety such shops, many of them having started business in the course of the
last three years, when this trade was highly profitable. Conditions were more
difficult now and so a number of these Indian shops were closing up. The
Chinese authorities had put up a number of new buildings-schools, hospital,
community centre and residential houses for themselves. Our own Trade Agent’s
house had its own little hospital and buildings for the staff.”
Unfortunately, the
relations with the Himalayan States, which have for centuries been so important
to India, deteriorated a few months later, with the uprising in Lhasa in March
1959 and the consequent flight of the Dalai Lama to India. Thereafter, the
Chinese tightened their grip on the Tibetan plateau; this was a tragedy for
India and its security.
By paying his
first visit to Bhutan, Narendra Modi has probably decided to change the tide.
The Times of India
reported that Modi has “stepped up a charm offensive with neighbours to try to
check China’s influence in the region.”
Before leaving,
the PMO had released a statement putting the visit in perspective: “Bound by
common interests and shared prosperity, India and Bhutan enjoy a unique and
special relationship, which has been forged by ties of geography, history and
culture. Therefore, Bhutan as the destination for my first visit abroad as
Prime Minister is a natural choice. Relations with Bhutan will be a key foreign
policy priority of my Government.”
Modi’s first visit
abroad comes ahead of the 22nd round of bilateral talks between Bhutan and
China which are expected to take place in July or August. Since 1986, these
talks are officially aimed at resolving the long-pending border dispute between
Bhutan and China.
For some time now,
Thimphu has been tempted to have a more official relationship with Beijing. It
is probably why Modi was accompanied by Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj,
National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval and Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh.
On August 9 last
year, the then NSA Shivshankar Menon visited Bhutan. There was more in his
visit than a routine exchange on the 11th Bhutanese Plan.
It was clear that
the NSA’s main purpose was to see with the Bhutanese Government how to handle
the border talks with China.
The 21st round of
boundary talks between Bhutan’s Foreign Minister Rinzim Dorje and the Chinese
vice-Minister in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were to be held two weeks
later.
The New Indian
Express then mentioned “a shift in emphasis from the disputed north-western,
close to Siliguri corridor, to the central parts of Bhutan,” this made Delhi
nervous.
The Sino-Bhutanese
border talks have always had serious strategic implications for India’s
security.
A particular
Chinese claim worries India. It is the Doklam plateau, adjacent to the
hyper-strategic Chumbi valley, crossed by Nehru 56 years ago. This is the real
nightmare for India.
At the time of
Menon’s visit, Liu Zengyi, a research fellow at Shanghai Institutes for
International Studies admitted in The Global Times that for India, China’s
advances in the Doklam area was a strategic threat to the Siliguri corridor:
“As a country located between China and India, Bhutan serves as a buffer and is
of critical strategic importance to the Siliguri corridor, a narrow stretch of
land (known as chicken’s neck) that connects India’s north-eastern States to
the rest of India. …The corridor is considered a vulnerable bottleneck for
India’s national security. New Delhi worries that China will send troops to the
corridor if a China-Indian military clash breaks out.”
It is indeed a
vital issue for New Delhi. Incidentally, the present Bhutanese PM Tshering
Tobgay’s constituency is adjacent to the territory claimed by China.
 |
| Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on his visit to Bhutan in 1958. |
Interestingly,
when Nehru crossed the Chumbi valley in 1958, there was no discrepancy between
the Chinese and Bhutanese maps (except for eastern Bhutan where Beijing did not
recognise the McMahon Line) and no claim on Doklam.
Since then, the
PLA has intruded in several areas and has built important infrastructure, such
as the road from Yatung to Phari in the Chumbi Valley. The Doklam area
overlooks this highway. The Chinese engineers have also built traversal roads
and set up a communication network within the disputed area. By grabbing the
Doklam Plateau, Beijing considerably enlarged the Chumbi valley and its access
to Sikkim and Siliguri.
How to dislodge
the Chinese will not be an easy task. At the same time, the cordial
people-to-people relations between India and Bhutan had to be reaffirmed. A
Bhutanese well—known nature photographer wrote in his blog: “In recent times,
our relationship has digressed from being trustworthy buddies to that of being
an estranged couple – slowly drifting apart with the danger of finally ending
in divorce. This would be so unfortunate. …I hope that somewhere tucked away in
a small corner of his luggage, Mister Modi brings with him a brand new and
re-tinkered foreign policy initiative towards Bhutan that is progressive and
based on trust and good intention.”
Let’s hope that
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first visit would have also achieved this. (niticentral)
Centre to invest
Rs 5,000 crore to set up 8,000 telecom towers in northeast
New
Delhi, June 27: The Union Government will invest Rs
5,000 crore to set up over 8,000 telecom towers in northeastern region.
Ravi Shankar Prasad, Minister of
Communications and Information Technology, said improving telecom connectivity
in the north east is one of the top priorities of the government.
Telecom Commission had cleared the proposal
a few days ago.
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India
had last year recommended an investment plan to improve services in north east
India, PTI reported.
The TRAI recommended a 2 percent discount
on annual license fees for telecom operators that cover at least 80 percent of
habitations with a population of 250 and subsidies for installation of solar
power units at telecom towers.
The Indian regulator also recommended
investments to provide seamless connectivity across national highways in the
north east region covering Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya,
Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura.
State-run companies BSNL and Power Grid
Corporation of India recently signed an agreement to improve telecom
connectivity in the region.
The Telecom Commission has approved the
long-pending project of installing mobile towers in nine Naxal-hit states, for
which BSNL had submitted an estimate of Rs 3,241 crore, which was higher than
Rs 3,046 crore approved by the Cabinet.
The project will be placed before the
Cabinet for final approval.
Road projects
along China border to get fast-track approval
New
Delhi, June 27: After giving two quick green
clearances to defence projects, the environment ministry has now decided to
fast-track road projects along India-China border. These road projects within
100 kilometres of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) are crucial for troop
movements and other related developments for security point of view.
A decision on environmental and forest
clearances on building defence infrastructure in areas in the 100 km-range from
the LAC can be taken by the state governments concerned, Union Environment Minister
Prakash Javadekar said. "Construction of roads within 100 kilometres of
Line of Actual Control will be given fast-track approval", said the
environment minister Prakash Javadekar. A policy in this regard will be
formulated very soon, he told reporters. The 4,056-km-long LAC with China
touches four states — J&K, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Sikkim, The Times of India reported.
Interestingly, it is the second such
decision keeping China in mind.
The ministry has earlier given its go ahead
to set up a radar station at Narcondam in Andaman & Nicobar Islands.
The project was pending for long despite
repeated requests from the defence establishment which wanted to install the
radar at the strategic location in view of suspected Chinese presence and
"listening post" on nearby Coco Island.
China-made
aircraft starts commercial flights in Nepal
Kathmandu,
June 27: Nepal's first ever China-made aircraft, a
58-seater Modern Ark 60 (MA60), started commercial operations on Wednesday,
Nepali officials said.
The MA60 was handed over to the Nepal
Airlines Corporation by the Chinese government in April, Xinhua reported.
"The plane made its first successful
commercial operation from Kathmandu's airport to Biratnagar," Ram Hari
Sharma, spokesperson for the Nepali airline said.
Airline executives said the plane was operated
by two Chinese pilots from China's Xi'an Aircraft Industrial Corporation, the
producer of the aircraft.
Lhasa-Shigatse rail link by Sept
Lhasa,
June 27: When it opened eight years ago, the
railway from Golmud to Lhasa was one of the most ambitious rail ventures ever
attempted. At a cost of $4 billion, tracks were built across 550km (340 miles)
of permafrost, reaching an altitude of 5,000 metres (16,400 feet)—the highest
railway in the world. This September, an extension of the line will open from
Lhasa to Shigatse, the first part of a further plan to knit Tibet into the rest
of China.
The line to Shigatse stretches 250km
southwest of Lhasa and will reduce the five-hour road journey to two hours by
rail. As well as allowing easier access for tourists to Tibet’s second city, it
will make an area rich in natural resources more accessible. (The Chinese name
for Tibet, Xizang, translates as “Western treasurehouse”.) In the autumn the
construction is due to start on another extension, running 400km from Lhasa to
Nyingtri, a county with large hydropower potential.
By 2020 the aim is to complete several
other major rail routes connecting Tibet with its neighbouring provinces of
Xinjiang, Sichuan and Yunnan (see map). One of them, a 1,900km railway from
Lhasa to Chengdu, will cost more than $20 billion.
Two more railways from Shigatse to the
Nepalese and Indian borders, at Nyalam and Dromo, are also planned, to the
alarm of the Indian government, which last week announced plans to fortify 54
new border posts in Arunachal Pradesh, a north-eastern state that China invaded
in 1962.
LITERARY
‘Anglo-Indians
are in search of an identity
Kevin Martin’s debut work, Double Cream, Memsahib?, a
novel-in-verse, was launched in Chennai recently
When Kevin Martin
speaks, there are no hurried sentences rushing into each other. He is calm and
relaxed, and weighs each question carefully before answering it. “My mind is a
strange place. It’s very volatile, but I use it to my advantage while writing,”
says the Anglo-Indian author from Sydney.
Kevin was born and
raised in Podanur, Tamil Nadu. The eldest of four children, he says he
inherited the writing bug from his mother who was a teacher. In Chennai to
launch his début fiction novel-in-verse Double
Cream, Memsahib? Kevin says that he is highly influenced by Vikram Seth
(whose Golden Gate is also a novel in
verse). “I admire the man and his style of writing. I began writing with his
work as the standard to reach,” he says with a smile.
The story revolves
around Darius Rembrandt, a young, shy, poetry-writing Anglo-Indian boy who
witnesses two English soldiers raping a woman on the banks of the Hooghly on
the day India is granted independence. What follows is a roller-coaster ride of
emotions: horror and wonderment vie with each other as the narrative follows
the characters whose lives get intertwined by fate. “We Anglo-Indians might be
happy with our lives, but we are always in search of an identity. My book reflects
that search,” says Kevin.
“Fate is something
I strongly believe in even in real life,” he adds. “That’s what has brought me
here. Like Frederick Forsyth when he was trying to find a publisher for Day of the Jackal, I too had a file full
of rejection letters. You know, the type which lavishly compliments your work
and follows it up with a ‘but’,” he says.
Fate pointed Kevin
to a Morrissey concert in Brisbane; the concert in Sydney had sold out. “I didn’t
want to miss it as he’s my favourite singer. While I was in Brisbane, I stayed
at my aunt’s house. She handed me some copies of Anglos In The Wind (AITW) and also told me about Anglo Ink,” says
Kevin.
“I must confess
that I hadn’t heard of AITW till then,” says Kevin, giving its editor, Harry
MacLure, an apologetic look.
When Harry, who is
also the publisher of Anglo Ink, wrote back to Kevin, the latter kept looking
for a ‘but’ in the mail.
“Harry had also
given the manuscript to someone else, and they too gave the go ahead. For so
long, I had only heard ‘No’ to my book. All of a sudden, there were two people
saying yes!” he says, recalling the excitement and exhilaration that came with
his book being accepted.
But why verse? “I
began writing in prose, but it fell flat. I then tried blank verse, but it
didn’t reflect our community — we are anything but blank. The richness and
vibrancy of sonnets capture the vibe of Anglo-Indians, and despite my
apprehensions, I stuck with it and I’m quite happy with the result,” says
Kevin. With a grin, he adds, “When I started off, the going was quite slow: I
wrote at the rate of 85 words a day. Stephen King recommends 1,000 words a
day.”
To young writers,
Kevin says, “Remember that writing is a lonely, lonely task. You will be
confronted by the tyranny of the blank page: it masters you until you fill it
with your words and master it.”
The book was
released by S. Muthiah, editor of Madras
Musings and received by author, playwright and poet Shreekumar Varma. Theatre
personality N.S. Yamuna and Superintendent of Customs, Chennai, Richard
O’Connor read excerpts from the novel. The launch was co-hosted by Madras Book
Club at Vivanta By Taj Connemara.
(Double
Cream, Memsahib? (Rs. 350) is available online at www.angloink.com. - The Hindu. Note from Sikkim
Observer Editor: Kevin Martin and I not only did our TTC (Darjeeling) from
the same institution but also taught at Mt. Hermon School, Darjeeling, and
played for the school’s cricket team.)
DISTINCT IDENTITY
Within the Union
Gradual dilution of Sikkim’s distinct identity
May 8th
1973: Historic day for Sikkim
By
Jigme N Kazi
In the first picture I’m with three historic personalities of
Sikkim politics: Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa (centre), the first Chief
Minister of Sikkim (1974-1979), Krishna Chandra Pradhan (on Kazi’s right), and
Bhim Bahadur Gurung (on Kazi’s left). The three were signatories to the
historic May 8, 1973 Tripartite Agreement. This pact was signed between the
Government of India, Chogyal of Sikkim and leaders of three major political parties in Sikkim. Former Gangtok MLA and Mayor
Balchand Sarda is on the extreme left in the picture.
While LD Kazi represented the Sikkim National Congress in the historic Agreement, KC Pradhan and BB Gurung belonged to the Sikkim Janata Congress. The Late Netuk Tsering represented the Sikkim National Party.
The Agreement while curtailing the Chogyal’s power gave more political rights to the majority Sikkimese Nepalese. It also brought Sikkim closer to India.
The May 8, 1973 Agreement gradually paved way for Sikkim’s absorption into the Indian Union in April-May 1975. Article 371F of the Constitution of India, which provides special status to Sikkim, is based on the May 8th Agreement.
Viewed from the historical perspective, the 1890 Convention signed between Great Britain and China and the Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950 paved way for the May 8th 1973 Tripartite Agreement. Under the 1890 Convention Sikkim was made a British Protectorate. The Protectorate status continued after India’s Independence under the 1950 Treaty.
While LD Kazi represented the Sikkim National Congress in the historic Agreement, KC Pradhan and BB Gurung belonged to the Sikkim Janata Congress. The Late Netuk Tsering represented the Sikkim National Party.
The Agreement while curtailing the Chogyal’s power gave more political rights to the majority Sikkimese Nepalese. It also brought Sikkim closer to India.
The May 8, 1973 Agreement gradually paved way for Sikkim’s absorption into the Indian Union in April-May 1975. Article 371F of the Constitution of India, which provides special status to Sikkim, is based on the May 8th Agreement.
Viewed from the historical perspective, the 1890 Convention signed between Great Britain and China and the Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950 paved way for the May 8th 1973 Tripartite Agreement. Under the 1890 Convention Sikkim was made a British Protectorate. The Protectorate status continued after India’s Independence under the 1950 Treaty.
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After the Indian takeover of Sikkim in 1975 Article
371F of the Constitution defined Sikkim’s status within the Indian Union.
The dilution of Sikkim’s special place within India has been a source of constant political tension in the former kingdom after the ‘merger’ in 1975. If the tension continues it may eventually lead to political uncertainty in this strategic and sensitive border region.
In the other picture I'm with former Sikkim Chief Minister NB Bhandari, former Sikkim Lok Sabha MP PM Subba and former Sikkim minister KN Upreti at a function in Gangtok on Article 371F a few years back. Are we mourning the death of our distinct identity within the Union? Upreti once said gradual dilution of Article 371F will lead to its inevitable death. Now that electoral politics is over for the moment will concerned Sikkimese come together and save Sikkim and the Sikkimese people?
The dilution of Sikkim’s special place within India has been a source of constant political tension in the former kingdom after the ‘merger’ in 1975. If the tension continues it may eventually lead to political uncertainty in this strategic and sensitive border region.
In the other picture I'm with former Sikkim Chief Minister NB Bhandari, former Sikkim Lok Sabha MP PM Subba and former Sikkim minister KN Upreti at a function in Gangtok on Article 371F a few years back. Are we mourning the death of our distinct identity within the Union? Upreti once said gradual dilution of Article 371F will lead to its inevitable death. Now that electoral politics is over for the moment will concerned Sikkimese come together and save Sikkim and the Sikkimese people?
Just Out!!
Book: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland
Author: Jigme N Kazi
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Publisher:
Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, Sikkim
Price:
Rs. 525/-
AVAILABLE AT:
Observer Building, Nam Nang, Gangtok, Sikkim
Kandoika, New Market, MG Marg, Gangtok, Sikkim
Good Books: Old Market, MG Marg, Gangtok, Sikkim
Jainco: New Metro Point, 31A National
Highway, Gangtok, Sikkim
Rachna: Development Area, Gangtok, Sikkiim
Bulk
copies available at Observer Building, Nam Nang, Gangtok, Sikkim.
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