“History will look back to this era and recall this period as Sikkim’s ‘finest hour’ ”

WE STAND TALL TODAY BECAUSE THEY STOOD UP FOR US YESTERDAY

Hold on to Beyul Demajong: Capt. Yongda

   The results of Sikkim’s last elections to the State Council in the former Kingdom of Sikkim, held in January 1973, was a rude shock to New Delhi. The Sikkim National Party (SNP), one of Sikkim’s oldest political parties, which demanded revision of the 1950 Indo-Sikkim Treaty and Sikkim’s membership in the United Nations, won 11 of the 18 elective seats in the Council.

   The Sikkim National Congress (SNC) and Sikkim Janata Congress (SJC) led by LD Kazi and KC Pradhan respectively won 7 seats (SNC – 5 and SJC – 2). While Kazi’s SNC wanted a “written constitution” and “closer ties” with India, the SJC, under Pradhan, demanded greater political rights for the majority Nepalese while accepting the Chogyal as a constitutional head.

   The outcome of the 1973 State Council polls was an ideal political climate for Sikkim to wean away from India and become more like Nepal and Bhutan, two sovereign countries having good relations with its southern neighbour.

   However, this was not to be. Nothing came out of SNP’s historic victory in the 1973 elections to the State Council as outside forces – with ulterior motive – incited communal politics, leading to mass agitation that finally culminated in the fake Sikkim Legislative Assembly elections in early 1974 that gave an upper hand to Kazi’s Sikkim Congress party, which engineered Sikkim’s ‘merger’ with the Indian Union in April-May 1975.

   One prominent Sikkimese leader who won from the SNP ticket in the 1973 Council polls was Ugen Paljor Gyaltsen of Yangang, South Sikkim. He polled the second highest votes in his party, second only to the SNP President, Netuk (Lama) Tsering. 

   Unfortunately, the SNP was never allowed to form the government as the virus of communalism spread everywhere, creating a perfect situation for outside intervention. The Indian takeover of the administration in Sikkim, which began in the spring of 1973, made way for pro-merger forces in Sikkim to gain the upper hand in the former kingdom’s social and political set-up.

  During the 7-year-long (1973-1979) struggle between pro and anti-merger forces in Sikkim, Ugen Paljor sided with Nar Bahadur Bhandari, a fiery teacher-turned-politician from the majority Nepalese community, who voiced nationalistic sentiments and opposed Sikkim’s takeover by its protecting power, India. They fought against great odds. The might of the Indian Government led by Indira Gandhi, the Congress-dominated Parliament, the Indian media, the Indian police forces and finally the Indian Army was no match to the Bhandari-led pro-Sikkim and anti-merger forces in Sikkim. And yet they won!

   Bhandari’s Sikkim Parishad party, which had the backing of the Chogyal of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people, defeated all pro-merger forces led by Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa, a Lepcha aristocrat and chief architect of the ‘merger’, in the first elections to the Sikkim Legislative Assembly, held four years after the takeover, and formed the government on October 18, 1979.

   In my monthly newsmagazine, 'Spotlight on Sikkim', published in June 1984, I wrote: “Perhaps history will look back to this era and recall this period as Sikkim’s ‘finest hour’. Bhandari then will not be remembered for the wrongs he has done but for the things he hoped to do and for the dreams that he set out to fulfil.”

   Two renowned Sikkimese nationalist leaders who passed away this month (September 2025) were Ugen Paljor Gyaltsen and Athup Lepcha, both hailing from the minority Bhutia-Lepcha communities. Athup, who was Parishad’s candidate from the Bhutia-Lepcha-dominated district of North Sikkim, defeated LD Kazi from the remote Dzongu constituency and put a final end to Kazi’s political activities in Sikkim.

   “Athup Lepcha was a mere employee in the State forest department when Sikkimese nationalist leaders approached him to take on the merger architect – Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa – in the 1979 Assembly elections from the Lepcha reserve of Dzongu in North Sikkim. Kazi – a Lepcha – thought Dzongu would be the safest constituency to return to the Assembly. But the Lepchas of Dzongu voted for Athup and gave a befitting send-off to the man who ‘sold’ Sikkim to its protecting power. Kazi bit the dust, settled in neighbouring Kalimpong after the humiliating defeat and finally died a lonely death.” ('Sons of Sikkim', published in 2020 and authored by Jigme N. Kazi.)

  Gyaltsen, Bhandari’s close confidante and a very resourceful person who had connections all over Sikkim, focused on party organization with other Parishad leaders. The Parishad, under Bhandari’s leadership and with the backing of the Chogyal, not only fully exposed New Delhi’s conspiracy but proved to the international community that the Sikkimese people never wanted merger and were determined to safeguard their distinct identity and protect Sikkim’s unique international status.

   In the spring of 2026, Sikkim lost the one and only notable Pawo of Beyul Demajong.  Capt. Sonam Yongda of the Sikkim Guards of the Chogyal era, described in my book (“Sons of Sikkim”) as “one of the Chogyal’s most loyal and trusted lieutenants, whose patriotism to Demajong and loyalty to throne was unquestionable”, was the first Sikkimese nationalist leader to incur the wrath of New Delhi for his patriotism.  He was arrested and virtually imprisoned on April 7, 1975, three days before  the Sikkim Lesiglative Assembly abolished the institution of the Chogyal and declared Sikkim to be a constituent unit of India. 

   A rare and unique individual, whose faith and loyalty to Sikkim was deeply rooted in Sikkim’s history and Sikkimese Buddhism, Capt. Yongda will always be an inspiration to all true sons and daughters of Sikkim. While others rushed to enjoy the “fruits of democracy”, Yapo Yongda remained aloof from the powers-that-be and maintained his dignity and integrity. I had the great privilege and honour to converse with him for a long time on several occasions prior to his passing away on April 4, 2026. His last benediction to me, pronounced on two occasions recently, was: “Let go of Sikkim; hold on to Beyul Demajong.”

   Paying rich tribute to the Chogyal in 1982, the Sikkim Legislative Assembly hailed Palden Thondup Namgyal, the 12th Chogyal (king) of Sikkim, as a ‘martyr’ and stated: “…when ‘little men’ who rule the roost in Sikkim will have been consigned to dust, posterity will look back with awe and respect upon the last representative of the House of Namgyal on the throne of Sikkim… And his descendants will be able to walk with their heads held high whatever their circumstances in life happen to be.”

   This words are also a befitting tribute to men like Nar Bahadur Bhandari, Athup Lepcha, Ugen Paljor Gyaltsen and Capt. Sonam Yongda – representing the three ethnic communities of Sikkim (Nepalese, Lepchas and Bhutias) – and many unsung heroes of the merger era. Because of them and their selfless contribution, the Sikkimese people will be able to walk with their heads held high in the land of their origin no matter what the future holds for them.

 

(Ref: Blog: jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

My Struggle – 11: Dilution of Article 371F

I HAVE ACCEPTED THE DEATH OF MY DREAM

“Too late to talk about Article 371F when battle tanks roll down Nathula and non-Sikkimese occupy Mintokgang”

   Having retreated to my small corner – the fourth estate – after quietly bidding adieu to my two-and-half-decade-long struggle to fight for the common cause of all Sikkimese I reluctantly accepted the offer to give a piece of my mind during a day-long seminar  organized in Gangtok on January 28, 2010 by an enthusiastic group of young people who work under the banner of All Sikkim Educated Self-Employed & Unemployed Association.

The topic was “Article 371F” – a dead horse which still needed more flogging! – and many of those who were present and actively participated in the debate-cum-discussion were distinguished personalities in Sikkim’s social, political and intellectual circles.

   Anti-merger veteran and former Chief Minister and President of the Sikkim unit of the Congress party, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, was there. His former Lok Sabha MP, Pahalman Subba, often regarded as the grand-old-man of Sikkim politics, who had fallen out with both Bhandari and his former colleague, the ‘Mandal Messiah’, Chief Minister Pawan Chamling, was there.

   Former Minister and senior Congress leader, Kharananda Upreti, the man who accompanied Ram Chandra Poudyal during the famous hunger strike at the lawns of the Palace in early April 1973 that led to the Indian-backed agitation, which culminated in the signing of the historic 8th May Tripartite Agreement of 1973,  ultimately leading to the ‘merger’ in 1975,  was also present.

   Among the younger politicians present at the seminar were Padam Chettri, who only very recently took over the State unit of the BJP as its President, Biraj Adhikari, President of Sikkim National People’s Party (SNPP), which still demands restoration of Sikkim’s pre-merger “Associate State” status, former Communist leader and now the Convenor of Matri Bhoomi Suraksha Sanghathan, Duk Nath Nepal, and former Minister and Convenor of Sikkim Bhutia-Lepcha Apex Committee (SIBLAC), Tseten Tashi Bhutia, who is regarded as one of the few vocal leaders of the minority Bhutia-Lepcha tribals.

(L to R) Jigme N Kazi, N B Bhandari, P M Subba and K N Upreti at the seminar on Art 371F in Gangtok on Jan 28, 2010.

   Conspicuously absent from the scene were representatives of the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front, which often claims that it has restored democracy and removed fear psychosis in Sikkim after Bhandari’s dictatorial rule (1979-1994). The truth is Pawan Chamling is now faced with the same charges levelled by dissidents within his ruling elite.

   Yesteryears’ ‘revolutionary’ and one of the valiant soldiers of ‘democracy’, R C Poudyal, suddenly turned ill and failed to come! With his absence Poudyal missed a great opportunity to stand side-by-side, shoulder-to-shoulder with sons and daughters of Sikkim to save what is left in order to pass it on to the generations of Sikkimese yet to come.  Others were invited but fear of what may happen to them if they come chose not to grace the occasion.

   Let them live on hope and die in despair. There is no space for spineless walking corpses, who are neither black or white and who will surely fade away into nothingness, to mingle with honourable defenders of the Sikkimese cause during the time of crisis when the need of the hour for unity and solidarity – despite personal and political differences – has never been felt so much.

   Added to this unique and historic gathering representing the multi-faceted Sikkimese society were Nagrik Sangarsha Samiti Coordinator and prominent critic of the establishment and member of the old business community, Prem Goyal, Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT) activists, Gyatso Lepcha and Mayalmit Lepcha,  former District Collector, S P Subba, and former police officer, Jiwan Pradhan.

   I not only offered my heartiest congratulations to the organizers of the 10-hour-long marathon session but also salute those who spoke out their mind and warmed our hearts and hopes. Together we made history on January 28, 2010, two days before the 28th death anniversary of the late Chogyal of Sikkim, Palden Thondup Namgyal.

   I was certainly the odd man out as I did not belong to any political or non-political grouping. The organizers created the right mood for Sikkimese from all communities and from all walks of life to speak their heart out on an issue that is dear to them for a very long time. That the speakers – mindless of who they were and what positions they held – spoke eloquently and with conviction and emotion on a wide variety of subjects on the one-point theme – Article 371F – is indeed a rare treat for any viewers.

   With tears in my eyes and heart full of burden I made my stand clear. “I have no wish to dethrone anyone or help anyone to get the top job. This is mainly because I have gracefully and very reluctantly accepted the death of my dream,” I told the gathering.

  I made it plain that the casual and directionless manner in which the political leadership among the majority Sikkimese Nepalese tackled the Assembly seat issue in the past so many years led to the death of my dream of a united Sikkim, where all people live in perfect peace, harmony, freedom and prosperity and where the country’s security concerns were fully safeguarded.

   New Delhi ought to realize by now that security, particularly in Sikkim, depends on the loyalty of its people, not just territorial acquisition whether by force or consent.

   I took a dig, as I often do when the opportunity arises, on those who often make the right noises but the wrong moves: “I quit everything when some of my friends and former colleagues who are educated, have some political experience and feel for Sikkim and the Sikkimese could not look beyond Chamling and Bhandari despite the pressing need to stand firm and pursue our common objectives.”

   I warned that activities of agents of division and disunity actively serving New Delhi, which seems least concerned about what is happening in Sikkim besides pumping huge amount of funds (and perhaps taking some back on the quiet) to its former Protectorate keeping the people perpetually drugged with power and money, will not only finish Sikkim and the Sikkimese people but greatly and surely endanger the country’s territorial integrity.

Didn’t I make it clear in my book, “Sikkim for Sikkimese – Distinct Identity Within the Union” (published in Feb 2009) why Sikkim is facing a crisis of our own making: “Phony revolutions led by fake revolutionaries and democrats have created a system that thrives on lies, deceit and corruption. We are all victims of the ‘democracy’ that we longed for in1973 and 1993.”

   We may blame the Centre for the gradual erosion of our special status and dilution of our distinct identity. But we, too, are responsible for failing to look after our long-term interests and live up to the hopes and aspirations of our people.

   My message during the seminar was sharp and incisive: “It will be too late to talk about Article 371F when battle tanks roll down Nathula pass and non-Sikkimese occupy seats of power in Mintokgang (CM’s official residence) in the near future.”

(I had sent this piece to The Statesman but I don’t think it was published it. However, it was published in my Sikkim Observer.)

 

 DAS STUDIO REVISITED: FUN & LAUGHTER ALL THE WAY

Last time when we (Hermonites) visited Darjeeling’s iconic landscape, Das Studio, which one fan described as the “mecca of photographers and mountain lovers”, we were lucky to meet Durga Das Pradhan. Durga was familiar to us as he was always there with his team during our school’s year-ending annual photo session. Sadly, Durga passed away a few years back.

   This time when I stepped into Das Studio with my family we were hoping – but still not too sure of meeting him – to see Mohan Das Pradhan. And lo and behold he was there!

   Meeting Mohan was in my wife Tsering’s bucket list for a long time. My twin daughters – Sonam and Kunga, both avid photographers – were also eager to meet the intrepid traveller, who freely roams around the world with a big smile.

   Mohan daju, a 1960 North Pointer, and I have been in touch – off and on – on social media for a long time. But meeting him in his den was a huge surprise and a big treat. Funny thing was that he, too, was most delighted to see me. “You’ve made my day!” was his first reaction when he saw us enter his studio. He warmly and most enthusiastically welcomed us into the studio, where his beautiful wife Sheila was also present.

   All of us spontaneously started clicking with our mobile phones the moment we met even as Mohan and I chatted amidst bursts of laughter. “You still bucking with the system?” he said or something like that to which I replied, “No, I’ve given up twenty years ago!” After another burst of laughter, he reacted, “You still have the spirit!” to which I replied, “If they start bucking again I’ll do something worse!” Another burst of laughter!

   It appears that Mohan, now renamed Hira Kazi (family name), was quite observant of what I have been doing all these years. This was something that touched my heart.

   On a quieter note he said, “Now settle down with your wonderful family and enjoy the peace.” What a wonderful advice from a North Pointer to a Hermonite, who has led a colourful life with its many ups and downs. Sursum Corda (Lift Up Your Hearts – school motto).

   Mohan’s next move was, “What are your girls doing? They have a whole life ahead of them” and then started chatting with them, while my wife and Sheila were busy talking. The girls were thrilled. What he told them was short and to the point: “Go around the world. There is so much to see and experience but don’t forget your roots.”

   We could have stayed longer and went on and on but it was time to say goodbye.

Sometimes,

I feel I want to go back in time…

Not to change things,

but to feel a couple of things twice…”

(Robert Drake)

 

 

 

HERMONS ON THE MOUNT

Cheers to Lt. General Man Raj Singh Mann, Pratap Rai, Rajah Banerjee and Sonam Wangyal

Three Hemonites (ex-students of Mt. Hermon School, Darjeeling) of the ‘60s have almost simultaneously launched three books in three days this week. And all of them are known public figures in our region.

   Lieutenant General Man Raj Singh Mann, GOC (General Officer Commanding) of 33 Corps based in Sukna/Siliguri, who was the Guest of Honour, released Dr. Pratap Singh Rai’s book, “The Little Rungeet of Darjeeling: On Its Other Side” at Surya Grand Hotel (owned and run by a Hermonite of 1971 batch, Surender Pal Singh Lamba) in Siliguri on Sunday (Jan 10, 2026) amidst a packed audience of Hermonites from Kalimpong, Darjeeling, Kurseong, Jalpaiguri, Sikkim and Siliguri.

   Apart from the book release, the highlight of the function was the presence of two distinguished personalities – Lt. General Mann, a Hermonite of the early ‘80s, and Darjeeling’s tea icon, Rajah Banerjee, once the proud owner of Kurseong’s world-renowned Makaibari Tea Estate. While Banerjee began his schooling in Goethals Memorial School, Kurseong, he did his Higher Senior Cambridge (HSC) from Mt. Hermon in mid-1960s.

   On January 11, Siliguri saw another book launch by another Hermonite of the late 1960s. The launch of 1968 batch Hermonite, Sonam B. Wangyal’s book, “Darjeeling to Distant Destinations”, is yet another feather in his cap.  The book reminisces the author’s travels to distant lands such as Africa, South America and Southeast Asia. A medical doctor by profession and a writer by passion, Sonam’s earlier books include “Sikkim and Darjeeling: Division and Deception” and “Footprint in the Himalaya”.

   Rajah Banerjee needs no introduction to Darjeeling and its adjoining areas. As the owner of his ancestral Makaibari Tea Estate, he “holds the world record for the most expensive tea ever sold in wholesale auction, at Rs. 1.11 lakh per kilogram.” He is also credited with having planted close to 2 million trees at Makaibari, owned by his family since 1859 till 2017. No wonder he likes to be known as a “tea planter” as well as a “tree planter”.

   Rajah’s book, “Chai Time”, launched in Kolkata on January 12, 2026, will surely be an interesting read.

Cheers to all Hermonites wherever you are and Hail, Mt. Hermon!s

 

 

Sikkimese Nepalese Dilemma

 

Chamling

   Our sincere efforts to resolve the seat issue in mid-2000 faced a major setback when the ruling elite created a climate of fear, tension and mistrust on the seat issue. Added to this was the fact that the two OSU leaders – Athup Lepcha and KC Pradhan – representing the Lepchas and Nepalese respectively in our organization, either kept mum or maintained a low profile. I was left all alone to defend the issues raised by us.

   However, the movement for restoration of the political rights of bonafide Sikkimese took a new turn with the SSP chief, N.B. Bhandari, in July 2000 demanding a “special session” of the Assembly to discuss the Assembly seat issue. While denying allegations that his party had raised the seat issue to topple the Chamling Government, Bhandari warned, “The Government may be toppled if there is any delay in resolving the seat issue.”

   He pointed out, “The ruling Government had opposed the demand for restoration of seats by not supporting it in the Assembly.” Bhandari, who first came to power in October 1979, said the seat issue is the “singlemost important demand” of the Sikkimese people since 1979, when the reserved Assembly seats of the Sikkimese Nepalese were abolished and seats reserved for the BLs reduced to 12 from 15. He also pointed out that 40,000 people signed the resolution on the seat issue at a public meeting of his party (Congress-I) in Karfectar in South Sikkim in April 1982.

Bhandari

   The former chief minister not only alleged that “vested interests”, which were “hungry for money and power”, had “sabotaged” his party’s efforts to table a resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly in June 2000, but formation of an Advisory Committee by the Chamling Government on the seat issue, after its rejection of the seat resolution, was an “eyewash” to “fool the people”.

   Apart from Bhandari and Chamling, the OSU had also written to three former chief ministers of the State - L.D. Kazi, B.B. Gooroong, and S.M. Limboo - seeking their active support and participation on the seat issue. Four chief ministers, including Bhandari, ruled the State from 1974 to 1994. Except for Kazi, a Lepcha, the three (Bhandari, Gooroong and Limboo) belonged to the Nepalese community. Their views on the seat issue, when it was raised in the Assembly in June 2000, was important as there was a growing feeling in the State that Sikkimese Nepalese do not really want to preserve their distinct identity through reservation of their seats in the Assembly. Their silence, when the issue was raised by non-political organizations for a speedy and satisfactory resolution, speaks volumes and can never be forgotten or forgiven.

A section of the Nepalese in Sikkim prefer a sizable number of Assembly seats, based on population, be kept for them in the general category rather than having equal number or a reasonable number of seats reserved for them in the reserved category. In this way not only will they have more seats to contest from as they are in the majority but it would also enable non-Sikkimese Nepalese from the Nepali community, who have settled in Sikkim before, during and after the ‘merger’, to identify themselves with Sikkimese Nepalese and contest from these seats.

   Many Sikkimese Nepalese make no distinction between themselves and other Nepalese living in Darjeeling, Assam, Bhutan or Nepal. For them, reservation of Assembly seats exclusively for the Sikkimese Nepalese – irrespective of how many seats are reserved – would divide the Nepalese and cause unnecessary obstacle towards unification of Nepalese living in the region. For short-term gains this approach seems perfect but in the long run the Nepalese will be no match to plainspeople who will surely head to the hills for permanent settlement in years and decades to come. Unlike before when Sikkim was a separate country it would be extremely difficult for the authorities to stop the influx of plainspeople. But no one seems to care for the long-term perspective and what happens here in 20-30 years time.

Pradhan, Kazi and Gurung

   After the failure of the two parties to resolve the seat issue in the House and the controversy, confusion and communal tension that followed I made up my mind not to go ahead on the seat issue unless the Sikkimese Nepalese leadership and the Sikkimese Nepalese themselves gave a clear and concrete verdict on the issue. This was perhaps one of the most important decisions that I have taken in my life. It was a watershed moment in my political thinking.

   My appeal to the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue came through a Press statement on October 18, 2000: “Ever since June 2000, consistent efforts have been made by vested interests to create communal disharmony between the minority Bhutia-Lepcha tribals and the majority Nepalese using the seat issue. Communal pamphleteering, public speeches and whisper campaign against the minority communities were part of a conspiracy to tear apart the age-old fabric of peace, unity and harmony in the State.

   While vested interests, for their political and personal gains, may be up to some mischief it must be borne in mind that the controversy and confusion on the Assembly seat issue has created doubts in the minds of the people on the views of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue. Do the Sikkimese Nepalesse really want to preserve, protect and promote their special status in Sikkim? Do they really want seats reserved for them in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly?

   The controversy created on the seat issue by a section of the people indicates that the Sikkimese Nepalese either do not want seats for themselves in the Assembly or are in two minds on the issue. Doubts have also been raised on whether the Sikkimese Nepalese want to protect their distinct identity as ‘Sikkimese Nepalese’ or merge their identity with the rest of the Nepalese residing in the sub-continent and elsewhere.”

   Referring to the failure to move a resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly in June 2000, I said: “A resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly would have been most democratic and ideal way to discuss and debate on the matter. But this did not take place and instead a climate of fear, apprehension, mistrust and disharmony was created with the sole objective of stalling the issue…

  The OSU was of the firm belief that the Sikkimese Nepalese, like the Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas, did want to retain their special status within the Union. But in the light of what has happened in the past five months, following withdrawal of the resolution on the seat issue, and the negative feelings generated by a section which has become very vocal on the issue, there is the need for the right-thinking people to speak out their mind loud and clear on the said issue and not remain silent spectators to what is happening.”

   My final appeal was: “The OSU is a ‘Sikkimese’ organization and believes in working for the interest of all bonafide Sikkimese hailing from the three ethnic communities and others living in the State in the past so many years.  Therefore, unless the Sikkimese Nepalese from all sections of its population send a clear-cut message on the seat issue the OSU will will not have the moral right and the authority to pursue further on behalf of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the said issues…The OSU will chalk out its future plan of action for the Sikkimese people after it has made an in-depth analysis based on the reactions of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue.”

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 

Jigme N. Kazi:

Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS), and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim and Hail Mt. Hermon! A Tribute (2020).

 

 

 

 

My Struggle – VIII

GENUINE REPRESENTATION IN THE ASSEMBLY

   The common misconception on the seat issue is that restoration of Assembly seats to the Sikkimese would mean resorting to the pre-merger seat arrangement (15 seats for BLs, 15 for Nepalese, 1 each for Sangha and Scheduled Castes) in the Assembly, commonly referred to as the “parity formula”, which has been vociferously opposed by a section of the Nepalese during the merger era and thereafter. If we feel that this formula is unjust, unfair, undemocratic and, therefore, unacceptable to us then we have to arrive at a consensus formula through debate and discussion in an atmosphere of mutual trust, understanding, cooperation and tolerance. The basic issue is to ensure that all or majority of the seats in the Assembly – be it 32, 40 or even 60 – be reserved for the three ethnic communities as in the past. We must not allow politicians and vested interests to misguide and lead us astray on this vital issue.

   I personally have always been very open and broadminded on the seat issue. The important thing is that we all think, act and live like a ‘Sikkimese’ – as truly belonging to and caring for Sikkim and the Sikkimese – and not let caste, race and communal politics affect our outlook. I have always been very sensitive on dealing with the seat formula and throughout my professional and political career in the past so many years I have kept mum on this very sensitive and touchy issue.

   At times, K.C. Pradhan, on his personal capacity, publicly declared his own seat formula. But neither the OSU nor I have been party to his formula on the seat issue. His formulae were his personal views – not mine or that of the OSU. I have never openly accepted or rejected Pradhan’s formula though I reported on it in my paper on several occasions. However, I have often taken the liberty of advising Pradhan not to spell out any formula before discussing it with others – formally or informally.

   Arriving at a seat formula before public debate and discussion would not only be like putting the cart before the horse, it would also be undemocratic and unwise. Furthermore, it would lead to unnecessary confusion, misunderstanding and tension – perfect ingredients for vested interests to stall the issue. In fact, this is exactly what happened as we shall see.

   My own views on the seat formula is that we should have a broader outlook in resolving this long-pending demand. Besides the three ethnic communities we need to respect the sentiments and aspirations of those belonging to the business community who are not only plainspeople but come from the hills of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. Then there are others who are temporary residents in the State. Some of them, in years to come, may be referred to as ‘locals’ in the broader sense of the word. As we are now part of India we need to take a broader view - perhaps a more humane approach – on the seat issue and find out ways to ensure that all those residing in Sikkim, whether on permanent or temporary basis, are fairly represented in the Assembly on a long-term basis.

   Genuine representation of the indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas in the Assembly can only be achieved through a just and fair delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The recent delimitation of Assembly constituencies carried out in the State is not in the interest of the minority community. The voting system of the Sangha, based on electoral college, where only the lamas vote for their representative, seems to be an ideal system for the BLs as their population is not only diminishing but scattered all over the State.

   In the past three decades (1974-2004), BL representatives in the Assembly have not been able to fully represent their communities in as well as outside the Assembly and the government as majority of voters in almost all the 12 seats reserved for the BLs were non-BLs belonging basically to the majority Nepalese community. This system has done great injustice to the BLs who see themselves as the vanishing tribes in Sikkim.

   The ‘parity formula’, i.e. reservation of equal number of seats between the BLs and Nepalese, may not be acceptable to the majority Sikkimese Nepalese. We must, therefore, respect their sentiments and evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue that would satisfy the Nepalese and yet be acceptable to the BLs. I believe that in the long run it is better for the Sikkimese Nepalese to have seats reserved for them in the Assembly then to increase the general seats to accommodate them and others. Ultimately, general seats will be filled up by non-Sikkimese, who enter the State from the neighbouring states and countries. The distinct identity and political rights of Sikkimese Nepalese can best be safeguarded if seats are reserved for them in the Assembly. Its small population, the increasing influx of outsiders, and the strategic location of the State are basic factors that help to justify the case for Assembly seat reservation for bonafide Sikkimese. Moreover, India has a moral duty to abide by the assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger.

 

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

Jigme N. Kazi:

Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS), and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim and Hail Mt. Hermon! A Tribute (2020).

 

 

 

My Struggle – VII

PRESS AND POLITICS

    As early as the beginning of 1998 I had adopted a strong view on the continued and blatant violation of assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger and even issued an ultimatum to the Centre and the State Government on the seat issue. The deadline for this ultimatum was April 26, 2000, when Sikkim would complete 25 years as a full-fledged State of the Union of India. I felt the need to take a fresh look on the issue with a view to doing something concrete and radical or even initiate something new and different that would lay the foundation for future initiatives on the seat issue.

    My book was unofficially banned in Sikkim, so I presented to only two persons when it was published in 2014 - former Chief Minister, Nar Bahadur Bhandari (seen above) and former Gangtok MLA and Mayor, Balchand Sarda. 

   More than six years passed by since the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity)  came out in the open on the Assembly seat issue in 1994. In fact, almost ten years had elapsed since I thought of doing something serious on the seat issue. After the 1989 electoral ‘defeat’ of the Opposition in the Assembly polls I felt strongly about getting the OSU started but somehow my main focus was on the Press and my paper. The Sikkim Observer was then perhaps the only English weekly that took journalism seriously in Sikkim. Had there been a few more credible papers in the State I would have given charge of the paper to someone and focused on the OSU.

With former Sikkim CM (1994-2019, Pawan Chamling, in 2017.

   But this wasn’t the case and my priority was to give the paper a firm foundation. I feel that I have been more than successful in this venture though due to circumstances beyond my control the publication of the Observer was irregular at times. However, the very survival of the printing press and the paper – despite trying circumstances for such a long period of time – is something to boast about. I take great pride in the fact that through my publications I have been able to set new standards in print journalism while also making immense contribution to Sikkimese society in general. In the final analysis, success must be measured by our commitment and contribution to the people and to humane and democratic values.

    The importance of regularly bringing out the Observer to inform the people on major events and issues of the day and about the way things were and in the process becoming a catalyst for change in social and political circles was felt deeply all through my career.  This objective has been achieved to a large extent and I intend to devote some time to do an exclusive book on the way we lived and functioned in the Observer.

With former Gangtok MLA and Mayor

   Creating public awareness through the media on vital issues, including social and political matters, is one thing but direct social and political involvement is another matter. Most social and political organizations come and go and pay only lip services to basic issues that concern the long-term interests of the people. My main objective in my profession and as a political activist has been to first create public awareness on the seat issue and then support anyone or any organization, including political parties, which would pursue the seat issue seriously and take it to its logical conclusion.

With former Minister, RC Poudyal.

   I was even prepared to come out in the open and get actively involved in politics on the seat issue till the demand was fulfilled. I had this feeling that others were not really interested on things that became my passion and that only the OSU would be able to do the job. But I could not do it alone. I needed at least two fairly credible, acceptable and known figures from the Lepcha and Nepalese communities and perhaps someone from the old business community who were free and willing to help me lead the movement.

   Since I could not devote full time on the job from 1994, when the OSU was revived, I cannot squarely blame my colleagues in the organization for not taking their responsibilities seriously. We all must humbly accept our shortcomings and move up from there and not let it bog us down. Had we done the right thing and at the right time we would be calling the shots now. Unfortunately, this was not the case then and people were, once again, forced to rely on petty and narrow-minded politicians and those who raise issues with an ulterior motive. This is the main reason why movements – even great movements – often fail. They lack people who have a firm conviction and committed to a cause. It is this conviction that forces them to commit themselves to a cause whose main objective is for the common good of all people.

With former MLA, NB Khatiwada.

   One of the main reasons why I remained quiet on the seat issue after the OSU’s revival in 1994 was that I expected Chamling to take up the issue seriously and resolve it to the satisfaction of all communities. Those, including Chamling, who claim that democracy was restored after the SDF came to power in December 1994, must be ready and willing to fight for the democratic rights of the people in the changed political atmosphere. Restoration of democracy would be useless and meaningless if the people’s basic political and democratic rights are not restored.

    I had no real interest in getting involved in local politics besides trying to safeguard the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union. This can largely be achieved if we are able to restore all the 32 seats in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese. It is up to us to evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue but this must be done within the framework of Article 371F of the Constitution, which is the basic foundation for laying the four cornerstones – cultural, social, economic and political – of our distinct identity.

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)