Thursday, September 29, 2016

After surgical strike, China 'hopes' India, Pakistan can resolve issues through dialogue
By IANS , Sept 29, 2016


BEIJING: Following India's claim that it launched "surgical strikes" on the terrorist launch pads in Pakistani Kashmir on Thursday, China has said that Beijing was in touch with both New Delhi and Islamabad through "various channels".
Responding to a question during the daily briefing, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson here said: "We hope that they (India and Pakistan) can carry out dialogues to properly resolve disputes and maintain regional peace and security."
The statement comes after tensions between Pakistan and India escalated after India announced that it has carried out surgical strikes on terrorist launch pads across the Line of Control, which divides Jammu and Kashmir between the two countries.
Pakistan has dismissed Indian claims that it carried out any strike on terrorist launch pads on territory under its control.
The spokesman added that China was a friendly neighbour to both Pakistan and India.
Asked about the Kashmir issue, the spokesperson said: "China has been following the Kashmir situation and takes seriously Pakistan's position on Kashmir."
"China believes that the Kashmir issue is a left-over from history which shall be resolved by relevant parties through dialogue and consultation." (The New Indian Express)


Column
The next president unbound by the 'Obama overreach'
By Victor Davis Hanson
Donald Trump’s supporters see a potential Hillary Clinton victory in November as the end of any conservative chance to restore small government, constitutional protections, fiscal sanity and personal liberty.
Clinton’s progressives swear that a Trump victory would spell the implosion of America as they know it, alleging Trump parallels with every dictator from Josef Stalin to Adolf Hitler.
Part of the frenzy over 2016 as a make-or-break election is because a closely divided Senate’s future may hinge on the coattails of the presidential winner. An aging U.S. Supreme Court may also translate into perhaps three to four court picks for the next president.

Yet such considerations only partly explain the current election frenzy.
The model of the imperial Obama presidency is the greater fear. Over the last eight years, President Barack Obama has transformed the powers of presidency in a way not seen in decades.
Congress talks grandly of “comprehensive immigration reform,” but Obama, as he promised with his pen and phone, bypassed the House and Senate to virtually open the border with Mexico. He issued executive-order amnesties. He allowed entire cities to be exempt from federal immigration law.
Perils of presidential power
The Senate used to ratify treaties. In the past, a president could not unilaterally approve the Treaty of Versailles, enroll the United States in the League of Nations, fight in Vietnam or Iraq without congressional authorization, change existing laws by non-enforcement, or rewrite bankruptcy laws.
Not now. Obama set a precedent that he did not need Senate ratification to make a landmark treaty with Iran on nuclear enrichment.
He picked and chose which elements of the Affordable Care Act would be enforced — predicated on his 2012 re-election efforts.
Rebuffed by Congress, Obama is now slowly shutting down the Guantanamo Bay detention center by insidiously having inmates sent to other countries.
Respective opponents of both Trump and Clinton should be worried.
Either winner could follow the precedent of allowing any sanctuary city or state in the United States to be immune from any federal law found displeasing — from the liberal Endangered Species Act and federal gun registration laws to conservative abortion restrictions.
Could anyone complain if Trump’s secretary of state were investigated by Trump’s attorney general for lying about a private email server — in the manner of Clinton being investigated by Loretta Lynch?
Would anyone object should a President Trump agree to a treaty with Russian President Vladimir Putin in the same way Obama overrode Congress with the Iran deal?
If a President Clinton decides to strike North Korea, would she really need congressional authorization, considering Obama’s unauthorized Libyan bombing mission?
What would Americans say if President Trump’s IRS — mirror-imaging Lois Lerner — hounded the progressive nonprofit organizations of George Soros?
Partisans are shocked that the press does not go after Trump’s various inconsistencies and fibs about his supposed initial opposition to the Iraq War, or press him on the details of Trump University.
Conservatives counter that Clinton has never had to come clean about the likely illegal pay-for-play influence peddling of the Clinton Foundation or her serial lies about her private email server.
But why, if elected, should either worry much about media scrutiny?
Obama established the precedent that a president should be given a pass on lying to the American people. Did Americans, as Obama repeatedly promised, really get to keep their doctors and health plans while enjoying lower premiums and deductibles, as the country saved billions through his Affordable Care Act?
More recently, did Obama mean to tell a lie when he swore that he sent cash to the Iranians only because he could not wire them the money — when in truth the administration had wired money to Iran in the past? Was cash to Iran really not a ransom for American hostages, as the president asserted?
Can the next president, like Obama, double the national debt and claim to be a deficit hawk?
Congress has proven woefully inept at asserting its constitutional right to check and balance Obama’s executive overreach. The courts have often abdicated their own oversight.
But the press is the most blameworthy. White House press conferences now resemble those in the Kremlin, with journalists tossing Putin softball questions about his latest fishing or hunting trip.
One reason Americans are scared about the next president is that they should be.
In 2017, a President Trump or President Clinton will be able to do almost anything he or she wishes without much oversight — thanks to the precedent of Obama’s overreach, abetted by a lapdog press that forgot that the ends never justify the means. (Chicago Tribune)
Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the author, most recently, of “The Father of Us All: War and History, Ancient and Modern.”



China is India's primary security challenge: UK think-tank
29 September 2016                                                                                         
India's relations with Pakistan and Nepal have deteriorated in the past year but China remains the country's ''primary security challenge'', according to an annual strategic survey by an influential London-based think-tank released on Tuesday.
The Strategic Survey 2016: The Annual Review of World Affairs of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) reviewed India's troubled relationship with Pakistan and referred to the intensive ''retaliatory'' firing across the Line of Control under the Modi government, fluctuations in the dialogue process, the Ufa summit and the terror attack on the Pathankot airbase.
''India's major security threat remained the terrorism emanating from Pakistan, on which (Prime Minister Narendra) Modi took a tougher position than his predecessor,'' it said, but identified China as India's ''primary security challenge''.
The survey said the challenge from China was because of its assertiveness on the border dispute with India, exacerbated by Beijing's growing trade and defence partnerships with New Delhi's South Asian neighbours and by an expansion of Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean.
''For policymakers in New Delhi, this created fears of encirclement and hardened their attitude towards Beijing, even as China continued to be India's largest trading partner, and Modi sought to establish stronger trade and investment links with Beijing,'' it said.
Referring to shifts in Pakistan's policies, the survey said, ''As ever, the main driver of Pakistan's security policy was its rivalry with India. This consideration trumped all other factors.''
Rahul Roy-Choudhury, IISS senior fellow for South Asia, told The Hindustan Times, ''Instead of any 'knee-jerk' military-focussed reaction that will at best be symbolic rather than substantive, India needs a calibrated and sustained multifaceted approach towards Pakistan.
 ''This could seek to target Pakistan-based terrorist groups, effectively operationalise counter-terror cooperation with India's strategic partners in the Gulf region and the West, and highlight India's emerging economic and global influence with the international community.''
Roy-Choudhary, who contributed to the survey, said India also ''needs to ensure that its main constituent in Pakistan - the people - is suitably empowered through the democratic process''.
The survey further said that India's ''neighbourhood first'' policy has paid few dividends beyond Bangladesh and Bhutan.
''This was due to the complex domestic politics of countries in the region, their historical suspicion of India as the dominant regional power, the influence of India domestic and ethnic politics, and increasing Chinese engagement with the region,'' it said.
''Equally important was the failure to meet expectations generated by Modi's initial outreach to other leaders in the SAARC, after he invited them to his May 2014 inauguration ceremony.''
At the global level, the survey said, institutions and norms that dampen the risk of conflict are under assault from populism in developed states and the assertive behaviour of rising and reviving powers.

IISS director general John Chapman said, ''The underpinnings of geopolitics have splintered so much in the past year that the foundations of global order appear alarmingly weak. The politics of parochialism now mix with the instincts of nationalism, and both clash with the cosmopolitan world order so carefully constructed by the technocrats of the late 20th century.'' (domain-b.com)

Saturday, September 10, 2016

INSIDE SIKKIM

My first book, 'Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide' was released by former Indian External Affairs Minister, K. Natwar Singh, at the Press Club of India, New Delhi, on December 28, 1993. Later it was launched in Gangtok in early February 1994 by Chief Minister Pawan Chamling, who was then leading a pro-democracy movement in Sikkim.

Friday, September 2, 2016

LAST & FINAL CALL TO PRESERVE
‘SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE’ WITHIN THE UNION
   As the Sikkimese society further disintegrates into tiny pieces, leaving us with an unknown, insecure and unchartered future we must realise that the time has come for all of us who are deeply concerned about our future in the land of our origin to take a serious look at what is happening and where we are heading.

   Even as the decades-long demand on restoration of our political rights through Assembly seat reservation is yet to be fulfilled our identity as ‘Sikkimese’ is under constant attack and undergoing severe test even as our so-called leaders are scrambling for power using the Assembly seat issue and Scheduled Tribes status for Nepali-Gorkha community in Sikkim.
   Significantly, Chief Minister Pawan Chamling recently rightly reminded us that the ‘Sikkimese Nepalese’ have a ‘distinct identity’ in Sikkim and urged everyone to maintain unity and harmony and not be led astray by communal elements.  Unfortunately, because of petty politics the Chief Minister’s call had few takers.
   The time has come for all of us to look beyond politics and set aside our personal and political differences and come together to preserve ‘Sikkim for Sikkimese’ for all times  to come within the Indian Union and within the Constitution of India.

   Sikkim and the Sikkimese people are at the crossroad. We cannot change the past but we can and must shape the future of our choice.  Let all bonafide Sikkimese possessing genuine Sikkim Subject Certificate be declared Scheduled Tribes in Sikkim and let Assembly seat reservation be based on ethnicity and not on ST basis. There must be a give-and-take attitude on parity/proportional representation demand in the Assembly from all sides once our identity issue is amicably resolved.
   On a personal level I reiterate my appeal to all Sikkimese – Lepchas, Bhutias, Nepalese and members of the old business community – to come together and preserve ‘Sikkim for Sikkim’ within the Union. I am willing to end my 12-year-old self-imposed exile in my own homeland and join a movement to save Sikkim and Sikkimese for our future generation if there are those who share the same sentiments and come out openly on the issue. 
    However, if there are no takers to our call let us reconcile ourselves to the present reality and accept a Sikkim without the Sikkimese and move on without fear or bitterness.

Jigme N.Kazi

Gangtok, September 2, 2016