The Rebel in Exile

   “When oppression wins out, as we all know here, those who nevertheless believe that their cause is just suffer from a sort of astonishment upon discovering the apparent impotence of justice. Then come the hours of exile and solitude that we have all known. Yet I should like to tell you that, in my opinion, the worst thing that can happen in the world we live in is for one of those men of freedom and courage I have described to stagger under the weight of isolation and prolonged adversity, to doubt himself and what he represents. And it seems to me that at such a moment those who are like him must come toward him (forgetting his titles and all devices of the official orator) to tell him straight from the heart that he is not alone and that his action is not futile, that there always comes a day when the palaces of oppression crumble, when exile comes to an end, when liberty catches fire.”

                                                                     - Albert Camus                                                             

One of the major feelings that engulfed me after I decided to live in self-imposed exile in my own homeland was the feeling that I had completed my assignment in Sikkim. As a son of Sikkim, who may have been reborn again, I have paid my debt to this soil. In fact, I was more than convinced that I had paid more than my debt to this soil.

   My ancestors founded Sikkim almost a thousand years back and maintained it despite trying situations till it was annexed by its protecting power in the garb of ushering in ‘democracy’ in 1973-75. The blood of my ancestors flow through my veins and it is my sacred duty and honour to serve my homeland and its people.

    Political and professional life in Sikkim have no real meaning for me if we cannot embrace all communities and unite them towards a common destiny where peace, unity, harmony, freedom, democracy and the rule of law reign supreme.

   The fact that nobody really made any serious approaches to me on these issues during my three-and-half-year-long (2004-2007) self-imposed exile proved beyond any shadow of doubt that there was nobody who really and truly cared for Sikkim and the Sikkimese people and for justice, freedom, democracy and the rule of law to triumph in Sikkim. Even those who flirted with me politically for a brief while when I re-emerged from my hideout in 2007-8 have proved themselves to be unfaithful allies and a liability for the Sikkimese cause.

   People make choices in life and they will either succeed or suffer from the choices they make. I chose to differ, to dissent and thereby suffered from the choices I made for over a quarter of a century. My works are reflected in the pages of my books which I have been able to complete during my exile in my own homeland. I hope that the dreams that I set out to fulfill will one day be reflected in the hearts and perhaps in the works of those who believe in the righteousness of our cause.

   I have lived out my dreams. I have paid my debt.  I am a free man now.

(Ref: THE LONE WARRIOR: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, 2014.)

 

Let us stop fighting over scraps

   Even as the next Assembly elections draw nearer there is the need to remind ourselves of the importance of maintaining the peaceful atmosphere in the State during electioneering. What should be kept in mind, particularly by those who hold responsible positions in various social and political organizations, is to keep our sanity intact and not be carried away by mere politicking that would lead to unnecessary tension and insecurity in public life.

   Let us keep reminding ourselves that what we are fighting for is not a war of independence nor are we engaged in a revolutionary movement for total change in the system of governance. We are, to be honest to ourselves, merely participating in the democratic process that allows holding of elections once in a while. Even as we prepare for the next Assembly polls, be it in April or November, we must convince ourselves first of the need to look beyond electoral politics and work for the well-being of all people.

   We have seen several governments come and go in the past two and half decades. What is the net result of all these elections? Promises are made to be broken as soon as the polls are over. By and large, the situation has remained the same since Sikkim began identifying itself with the world’s largest democracy when the former kingdom reluctantly joined the mainstream of Indian politics in 1975.

   Forces of division and disunity were actively at work ever since 1973. They gained the upper hand in 1974, leading to Sikkim’s ultimate ‘merger’ with India in April-May 1975.  Fortunately, for the people of Sikkim a man from the majority community emerged in Sikkim’s turbulent political arena in the ’70s. He was hailed by the majority and loved by the minority. His name was Nar Bahadur Bhandari. But within two years of Mr. Bhandari stepping into Mintokgang, the Chief Minister’s official residence, he lost the confidence of the people.

   From the ashes of disaster was born Sikkim Sangram Parishad. Born on May 24, 1984, the SSP leadership gradually steered itself away from the minds and hearts of the Sikkimese people. The minority lost hope in Mr. Bhandari’s leadership while the majority clung to him but perceptive observers had already anticipated Mr. Bhandari’s next move. Forgetting the plight of three lakh Sikkimese the SSP supremo was setting his sights high for the leadership of the ‘one crore Nepalese’ in the sub-continent.

   But pride has its fall. And the strong and mighty fell on May 1994. The SSP leadership’s bid to forcefully curb democratic stirrings soon led to the emergence of Mr. Pawan Chamling. The two protagonists will once again face each other in the next polls. Whatever be their agenda for Sikkim it has to be achieved through the democratic process using peaceful and legitimate means. It is perhaps with this in mind that Mr. Chamling had made a casual suggestion for holding of the polls under Governor’s rule.

   One of the main characteristics of Sikkim’s unique and distinct identity is maintenance of peace, unity and communal harmony. Clashes between ruling party and SSP supporters in Jorethang last week has the potential of enflaming communal passion. This must never happen. More than ever before there is the need to ensure that things do not get out of control as was seen in south and west districts last week.

   As we move ahead let us constantly remind ourselves of the need to maintain our balance in whatever situation we find ourselves in. If we are really pursuing higher goals for our society then we ought to cement our bonds with each other instead of destroying it. Let us face it; what we are really after is for a few bags of cement and a few pieces of rod. Let us stop fighting over such scraps. It’s not worth it.

(Ref: Sikkim Observer, Hill Media Publications, November 7, 1998.)

 

 

 

INSIDE SIKKIM

ONE-MAN RULE, ONE-PARTY SYSTEM

   Bhandari’s 14-year ‘misrule’ in Sikkim saw the tiny Himalayan State gradually degenerate into a state where people totally lost faith in democracy and democratic values. Instead of enjoying the fruits of democracy, the Sikkimese people, after the ‘merger’, had a taste of dictatorship in a democratic set-up.

   Under the Bhandari regime, all democratic institutions, including the Press, were silenced and forced to acknowledge the supremacy of ‘one-man rule and one-party’ system. This book reveals how and why all forms of dissent were suppressed and a ‘one-man rule’ perpetuated in Sikkim.

   Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide also brings into focus how the system in Sikkim functioned in the last one and half decades (1979-1993), leaving the people of the strategic Himalayan border State completely defenceless, insecure and exploited. The struggle of the people to live in a free and democratic atmosphere, where the right to live with respect and dignity and to preserve the unique and distinct identity of Sikkim, within the Union, has been well articulated in this book.

   Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS) and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim:Against the Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (1999) and The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014).

‘GENUINE REPRESENTATION’ IN THE ASSEMBLY

   The only visible opposition parties in Sikkim – the Congress (I) and the Naya Sikkim Party (NSP) – completely disappeared from the political scene after their debacle in the Assembly elections. There was also no trace of the Congress (R), Himali Congress and the Sikkim United Council. Poudyal himself took the blame for the party’s defeat and resigned from party chief’s post after the elections and chose to keep quiet. Infighting within the Congress (I) continued over the leadership issue and party activities in the State came to a standstill. By then, it was clear to everyone that the era of ‘one-man-rule and one-party-system’ had begun.

   The defeat of prominent tribal leaders – some of them ex-ministers and office-bearers of the Congress (I) – in the March 1985 Assembly elections justified the apprehension that thought 13 seats were reserved for the BLs, genuine tribal candidates who had some standing amongst the people could not be voted as the majority of the voters in the reserved constituencies of the BLs were Nepalese.

   The only visible political activity in Sikkim after Bhandari’s comeback in 1985 was the move for formation of a strong and united tribal organisation in Sikkim. The initiative towards this goal was taken by the Sikkim Tribal Welfare Association (STWA) under the leadership of Pasang Obed Pazo, ex-secretary of the State Government and a soft-spoken Sikkimese Christian belonging to the Lepcha community. Pazo, who unsuccessfully contested the 1985 Assembly elections as an independent candidate from Gangtok constituency, was the choice of most tribals to head the STWA, which was then the only recognised and credible tribal organisation in Sikkim.

   By the end of 1985 almost all tribal organisations in Sikkim, including Denzong Tribal Yargay Chogpa, Sikkim Lhomon Youth Council, Rangjyong Mutanchi Rong Tarzum and Mayel Pronzum, decided to form a ‘joint front’ to work towards the formation of a strong and united tribal body to press for the genuine demands of the tribals and to highlight their basic issues. A Joint Action Committee (JAC), headed by Pazo, was formed to pursue this goal.

   In its six-point memorandum submitted to the Governor, Bhishma Narain Singh, on October 1985, the STWA raised the demand for restoration of reservation of 16 seats in the Assembly for the BLs, delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the House, grant of citizenship to ‘stateless persons’ based on the provisions made under the Sikkim Subjects Regulation and extension of inner-line permit system to check influx of outsiders. These were not new demands but reflected issues raised by the Association in its many memoranda presented, from time to time, to the State and Central government authorities by the STWA ever since its formation in 1978.

   The memorandum explicitly emphasised the need to safeguard the rights and interests of the tribals enshrined in Article 371F of the Constitution, which deals with Sikkim: “With the passage of time, the original inhabitants of Sikkim, namely the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals, have been reduced to a minority in our own homeland and thus endangering our very survival in the land of our origin. The gradual disintegration and destruction of our distinct socio-cultural identity over the past few decades and especially since the merger in 1975, has been the cause of much fear, suspicion and insecurity amongst the tribal community, who have lived in peace and amity in the past so many centuries. We have every reason to believe that we are now on the brink of extinction if proper and timely steps are not taken on this vital matter.”

   Stating that seats reserved for the tribals had been reduced to 13 from 16, the memorandum pointed out that the reservation of their seats in the Assembly was being challenged by a section of the major community in the highest court of the land. In order to fully protect the minority community, the STWA demanded restoration of the earlier 16 seats reserved for them prior to the merger.

   On the controversial demand for grant of Indian citizenship to the ‘stateless persons’ in Sikkim, the memorandum was even more explicit: “Ethnic representation and reservation of seats in the State Assembly envisages that this right will only be in respect of the ethnic communities of Sikkim. We now feel that all attempts are being made by interested groups and persons, much to the misfortune of the people of Sikkim as a whole, and particularly of the Bhutia-Lepchas, to induct and give citizenship status to a huge number of outsiders for inclusion of their names in the electoral rolls, irrespective of the qualifying years of residence in Sikkim. This will undoubtedly create serious logistical problems and thus the very fabric of Sikkim’s economic, social and political structures will be completely disarrayed, and endanger the very existence of the genuine Sikkimese Indian citizens.”

   The memorandum further added: “Names of foreign nationals, which have been included in the electoral rolls, must be deleted. The identity of those with doubtful citizenship and those who are said to be ‘stateless persons’ must be finalised before granting them rights of citizenship. We propose that Sikkim Subjects Regulation of 1961 be used as a base for the purpose of determining grant of citizenship in Sikkim.  There should be no representation for such persons in the Assembly before finalising their identity.”

   But perhaps the main issue of the tribals, which is well known to everyone in the State, is the demand for ‘genuine representation’ of the tribals in the Assembly through fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The STWA, particularly under Pazo’s leadership, highlighted this demand and made its main issue. The memorandum presented to the Sikkim Governor was reflective of this: “The spirit behind the reservation of seats will have no meaning unless and until fresh delimitation of the Assembly constituencies is made to ensure genuine tribal representation in the Legislative Assembly. In spite of the fact that elections have taken place in Sikkim on the democratic principle of equity and justice, the ethnic minority community has not beeen justly represented in the State Assembly.

   Those who are elected have to depend on the vote-bank dominated and controlled by the major community. As such, the Bhutia-Lepcha candidates, elected from their reserved constituencies, virtually become ineffective to safeguard the basic fundamental rights of the ethnic minority tribals of Sikkim. So far, only two constituencies (Lachen-Mangshilla and Dzongu in north Sikkim) of the 31 territorial constituencies, genuinely represent the tribals in the State. As such, we pray that the constituencies may be so demarcated as to include all pockets dominated by the ethnic tribals for all the seats reserved for them.”

   As one of the general secretaries of the STWA at that time, I was also one of the signatories to this memorandum. Much of my time in 1984-85 was spent on various activities of the Association, which was aimed at creating a general awareness of the basic issues of the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals in the State. As Bhandari was not in favour of any other organisation, particularly independent tribal organisations, coming up in the State, the STWA did not receive much patronage from the government. Almost all tribal legislators kept themselves away from the STWA. But this did not deter us. Most of those who played a leading role in the STWA worked for genuine communal harmony in the State based on mutual respect and trust.

   We did not make any new demands but wanted to safeguard and strengthen whatever was already provided for us under the Constitution of the country. Most conscious tribals were aware of the importance of seats in the Assembly being reserved for the Sikkimese as a whole as had been done in the past. This meant that they also wanted seats to be reserved for the majority Sikkimese Nepalese as well.

  In the Spotlight on Sikkim and Sikkim Observer, I constantly highlighted the need for fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the Assembly. Sikkim is a small place with a population of only 4.50 lacs of which only three and half lacs would be safely categorized into the ‘genuine Sikkimese’ group. Though the Sikkimese Nepalese were in the majority in Sikkim, due to increasing influx of outsiders, they would ultimately be reduced to a minority community just like the BLs. It is in the interest of Sikkim and the Sikkimese, and in the greater interest of the country at large that political rights should be fully restored to the Sikkimese. This would ensure genuine communal harmony and genuine peace in the region.

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, 1993. Full text see jigmenkazisikkim. blogspot.com)

 

 

 

SOUL OF SIKKIM: Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal (1923-1982)

A LONELY STRUGGLE

Nearly ten years after he took over the Sikkim administration as the Chief Executive, B.S. Das, advised the late Chogual to join the Indian mainstream. The Chogyal, who all his life fought for preservation of the kingdom’s distinct international status, reacted this way: “I am a Sikkimese and belong to this place. How can I leave my people and my country.”

   Although Das’ takeover of the administration in early 1973 paved way for the gradual absorption of the kingdom into the Indian Union two years later, he, nevertheless, was kind and realistic in his assessment of Palden Thondup Namgyal, the former Chogyal who died in I982. In his book, Sikkim Saga, published in 1983, Das in the last chapter has this to say about the Chogyal: “A lone and forgotten man who lost his kingdom, his wife and everything that he stood for, stuck to his Palace, his people, his Sikkim till he breathed his last. Unbending in his misfortune, he dreamt of someone, someday appreciating the righteousness of his cause and placing him in history as a true nationalist who fought singlehanded against all odds for what he believed in.

   His silvery grey hair and the small wrinkles on the face alone spoke of the strain of the past years but they made him look even handsomer than he was. Yet, he showed no rancour, no bitterness and held his head high. To leave his people and Sikkim was totally unacceptable to him.”

   Das then makes a personal admission, “As a person, I hold Palden Thondup Namgyal in great esteem. I have met few personalities in my long career who could stand up and fight for a cause. For him, more than his personal gains, Sikkim’s identity was a cause. That he fought using all means available to him does credit to him. His battle was one sided and against all odds. That did not deter him as it was a question of his faith in the righteousness of his cause.”

   I had a feeling that the late Nari Rustomji was preparing a book on the Chogyal while I was studying law in Bombay in the early ’80s. Upon my enquiry Rustomji told me that the book would be called…I forget the real name but it definitely had the word “Prince”. I told Rustomji that this was not right as “our King” was not a mere “Prince” but the Chogyal. He was quite sympathetic to my suggestion but said referring to the Chogyal as a Prince gave him more prominence. I wasn’t too convinced about his justification but didn’t say much on the subject.

   Of Rustomji’s four books, which dealt with Sikkim, Bhutan and the North-East, the last one was exclusively on Sikkim. It was called “Sikkim: A Himalayan Tragedy”. While he referred to the Chogyal as ‘prince’ the name of the book was different. Maybe he had some rethinking after I put forward my suggestion about the title. May be not. The book was published in 1987 and in the same year Rustomji came to Sikkim for a visit.

   Rustomji personally handed a hardbound copy of his book to me with his signature and a short note which read: “For my friend, Jigme, who will, no doubt, critically review! In trepidation.” The book was devoted:

“To the memory of Palden Thondup Namgyal: 

“A moment, and time will forget

Our failure and our name

But not the common thought

That linked us in a dream.”

 

   Rustomji, who had known the Chogyal ever since their days in the ICS in Dehra Dun in 1942, had this to say about his life-long friend in the book, which was actually an extract from his article in Indian Express (dated Feb 14, 1982) entitled: “The King must die”:

   “It was his misfortune that, try as he might, he could not get people to understand that small can be beautiful. Nor could he allow himself to be convinced that others did not see Sikkim as he saw her, that Sikkim’s existence was, for the rest of the world, a non-event. His principles might have been unrealistic and all wrong, but he was not prepared, to the very last, to compromise with them. He was intoxicated by his passion for his land and people.”

   One of the first things that I wanted to do after my own book, “Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide”, was published in December 1993, was to fly down to Bombay and handover my book to Rustomji. But I was deprived of this privilege. I came to learn that time that Rustomji had passed away in October 1993, just two months before my book was published.

  Till this moment I have not written anything on Rustomji nor have I reviewed his book. But when I do something for him it’ll then be my turn to dedicate it to him and say:

 

“A moment, and time will forget

Our failure and our name

But not the common thought

That linked us in a dream.”

 

   Today, this dream is shared by many Sikkimese. In an article entitled, “Soul of Sikkim, Soul on Fire”, carried in the annual college magazine (of Sikkim Students Association, Bombay. I was the President of the Association and editor of the magazine), Lukshyama, in 1982 I wrote: “A king must die, but his people live on and his hopes continue…the 19^th of February 1982 will go down in the history of Sikkim. It was not a funeral day of the late Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal of Sikkim; it was the day of resurrection of the Sikkimese people whose long-suppressed spirit found utterance…The forces that work against its people cannot ignore the impact of the day. What they heard cannot be forgotten. For on that day the people spoke. Their silent speeches and their silken scarves will forever be recorded in the minds of those who witnessed the greatness of that day. The very fragrance of the day will last for eternity.”

   I was aware of the pressure exerted on me at that time for this piece and I paid the price. I particularly remember a comment made by someone in my own village who had read my piece. He said, “The Sikkimese people will understand what you have written only after twenty years.” This was in 1982.

   It has taken 18 years for the Sikkimese people to acknowledge the greatness of the Chogyal. Recently, the Chamling Government decided to install a statue of the Chogyal in the capital. The Governor, New Delhi’s highest representative in the State, while laying down the foundation stone of the Chogyal’s statue, showered praises for the Chogyal and called him “The Soul of Sikkim”.

   History is witness to the fact that true leaders of any country are much ahead of their peers and people. The Sikkimese people are now beginning to understand and appreciate the heroic deeds of the last monarch of the Namgyal Dynasty. To those who are prepared to fight for preservation of Sikkim’s distinct identity within the framework of the Constitution they must first, like the late Chogyal, be intoxicated by a passion that lasts and inspires others to fight for a cause against all odds.

 

(Ref: Sikkim Observer, July 17-23, 1999.)