“SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE”

THE RISE AND FALL OF NAR BAHADUR BHANDARI

In 1986 (the year I started my own Gangtok-based English weekly, Sikkim Observer, after three years into journalism), I asked the former Sikkim Legislative Assembly’s Deputy Speaker, Lal Bahadur Basnet, who won on the Parishad ticket from Gangtok in the 1979 Assembly elections, whether it was possible for the original Parishad team to forget the past and come together and work for the interest of the people as they had once set out to do. His immediate reply was, “Bhandari has now reached a point of no return.” Many others, who were earlier with Bhandari, felt the same way.

   After Bhandari’s fall in May 1984, I devoted an entire issue of the July 1984 issue of the Spotlight on Sikkim on him. Entitled “The Rise and Fall of Nar Bahadur Bhandari”, I stated: “Though Bhandari has long abandoned the cause of the people, his final departure from the post of leadership symbolizes the end of an era, which can be best described in the words of Tennyson” “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.” Perhaps Sikkim will look back to this era and recall this period as Sikkim’s ‘finest hour’. Bhandari will then not be remembered for the wrongs he had done but for the things he hoped to do and for the dreams he set out to fulfill.”

   My views on political developments in Sikkim after the merger and before the first Assembly elections in 1979 was clear: “The victory of Bhandari’s Sikkim Parishad in 1979 elections symbolized the triumph of anti-merger forces, whose main objective can be best expressed in three words – “Sikkim for Sikkimese”. Thus, Bhandari was not important in himself but what he represented. The disintegration of his party and his personal loss of credibility stems from the fact that he had drifted far beyond the people’s wildest expectations from the stand that the Parishad had initially taken.

   Their Election Manifesto promised: “This party, if returned to power, is committed to giving the Sikkimese people back their self-respect and sense of dignity,” is now just another dream. The Parishad also swore that it would, if given the chance, punish the corrupt regime of the Kazi Government for all its ‘corruption, favouritism and nepotism practised since 1974’. Ironically, corruption was one of the major factors that led to Bhandari’s downfall. Even some of his genuine supporters acknowledge the fact that even under the Kazi Government, corruption had not reached such a height as is prevalent today.”

   I added, “The ‘sons of the soil’ policy formulated and propagated by the Bhandari Government has not made much headway. Selling of reserved seats of Sikkimese students to non-locals, indiscriminate allocation and distribution of building sites and trade licenses, discrimination regarding grant of scholarships to students, refusal to allot work to local contractors on tender basis, favouritism and red-tapism concerning jobs in government service, and back-door leverage for non-locals to share in the State’s administrative and economic development plans are a few examples of the Bhandari Government’s various activities which do not reflect the ‘sons of the soil’ policy they so passionately propagated before coming to power.

2010 meet in Gangtok: (L to R) Jigme N. Kazi, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, PM Subba, former Sikkim Lok Sabha MP and KN Upreti, former Minister in Bhandari Government.)

   Over the years, Bhandari gradually lost the support of his own party colleagues. They claim they were Bhandari’s genuine supporters, who were with him ‘through thick and thin’ during his political wilderness experience when he was constantly harassed by both the Central and State governments for his anti-merger stand. It was these people, with the help of a few others, who later formed a nucleus that ultimately influenced the formation of a dissident group within the Cong (I) fold to knock down Bhandari.

  Although Bhandari’s ‘Sikkim for Sikkimese’ slogan and de-merger promises attracted a large following in the last election, many people did not believe that things would be as simple as the promises that were made. But one thing they did not anticipate was Bhandari’s betrayal on certain basic issues concerning the people. The oft-repeated phrase – ‘Kazi sold the body, Bhandari sold the soul’ – has some relevance to the gradual erosion of the distinctive character for the Sikkimese way of life.”

   I then summed up: “Bhandari is still very young and will no doubt try to come back to power. His abrupt dismissal from the post he so dearly coveted does not necessarily mean the end of his political career. He has the potential of making a comeback provided he learns not to overdo things. However, he cannot hope to regain his pre-’79 status to ensure future electoral victories.

   Try as he may, Bhandari will never again win back the respect and love of the people of Sikkim, which he so freely and fully received in ample measure during the 7-year period of the merger controversy. Never again will he hope for the same from the people, for he, he alone knows that he has miserably failed to prove his worth to the people, whose cause he so dearly championed and for whom he sacrificed so much.

   In the final analysis, it is the Central Government that has come out victorious in destroying anti-merger forces, which played a predominant role in the last election under the leadership of Nar Bahadur Bhandari. There never was a man, who could so successfully unite all sections of the population under one banner as Bhandari had done, and there never will be another such man for a long time. Never have the Sikkimese people bestow so much faith and confidence on one man in such a short time. Bhandari’s failure to fulfill their innermost hopes and aspirations for a strong, stable, and united Sikkim within the borders of India, is his greatest tragedy and the Government of India’s biggest achievement.

    Looking back in retrospect, one sees enough evidence to justify the fact that Bhandari and his colleagues unconsciously became victims of circumstances and political intrigues that finally broke them into pieces and shattered every hope of them coming together on the same plank they once stood so unitedly.”

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

 

“Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

“Only dead fish go with the flow” 

‘There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises….The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi" 

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The Press Club of Sikkim conferred the “Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar 2012” award to journalist-cum-writer Jigme N Kazi at a function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012. The following is the full text of Kazi’s acceptance speech:

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 Hon’ble Chief Guest, Secretary IPR, Press Club Advisor, Press Club President, distinguished guests and friends,

   On Receiving the Award: I feel very privileged to be here today to receive the Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar award from the Press Club of Sikkim on its decadal foundation year. I am told by the Press Club that it had “unanimously decided” to confer this award for my “outstanding contribution and dedication” made during the last three decades (1983-2012) in the field of journalism.

   I believe that by conferring this award to this long-time black-listed man, who is forced to live in self-imposed exile in his own homeland, the Press in Sikkim is sending a clear message to those who care to listen. And that message is loud and clear: the Press in Sikkim wants to be more free and independent and those in power and the people at large should take note of it and respect its stand.

(L to R) IPR Secretary KS Tobgay, Chief Guest CK Shrestha, Sikkim Observer Editor Jigme N Kazi, Press Club Advisor CD Rai, Press Club General Secretary Joseph Lepcha and Press Club President Bhim Rawat at the Press Club of Sikkim function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012.

   I enjoy doing what I do – be it eating, taking a walk or writing. I seek no reward and recognition in doing these things even if what I do benefits those around me.

   People often criticize me of being stubborn and always swimming against the tide. Let me remind them of what US vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin said: “Only dead fish go with the flow.” Living with walking corpses all these years has been a very painful experience. It is better to be exiled in foreign shores than having to undergo constant suffocation at home. However, if this is the cross that I was born to bare then I must live with it whether I like it or not.

   Yes, we have more journalists and more newspapers today than when I started in this profession 30 years back. But I’m not too sure whether we are more free, objective and independent in our reporting. What is more important in life is quality, not quantity, and this also applies to the Fourth Estate, particularly when so many people depend and look up to the Press to make the right decision.

   Sikkimese Society: If we cannot uphold certain basic and fundamental values of human existence such as freedom, democracy, justice, self-respect and the rule of law we miss the opportunity that life offers to each one of us. The first indication of a society’s degeneration is when individuals live and work only for themselves. Sikkim is on the verge of being a dead and decadent society. Our constant efforts to camouflage ourselves will not work in the long run. We will be fully exposed when the time comes.

   We locals often distance ourselves from the byaparis, the business community, for encroaching into our economic and political rights and interests. Little do we realize that while they sell potatoes, tomatoes etc. we are the real byaparis. We have sold our king, our flag, our country, our distinct identity and political rights. Not content with this we are still selling our hills and valleys, our lakes and rivers, our land and people, our religion and culture, and worse of all our self-respect and dignity. Is it really worth sweating it out for such people?

   Sikkim Politics: Me and my kind have lived through this bitter period in Sikkim’s history. In our efforts to fight for the common cause we have brought down five chief ministers and made four chief ministers in the past so many years.  We did this for a good cause and without any selfish motive. We are not to be blamed if our political leadership continuously fails us and lets us down the moment they come to power.

   I took leave from the Fourth Estate at the end of the year 2000 to make my personal contribution to Sikkim politics when I was convinced that those we backed were betraying us and the issues we raised for petty considerations. Unlike many others, I could not hang around and hide myself safe and secure in a small corner when I was convinced that we were being led to a dead-end street. I left active politics after three and half years in August 2004 when I was fully convinced that I was heading nowhere and those around me were still deeply involved in petty politics. There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises.

   It is futile to fight for the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union if the leaders of our larger community are not sure of who they are, whom they represent, and what they really want. Nepal’s political situation, where ethnic communities are being reduced to a minority in the land of their origin, has still not opened our eyes. This is because while our head is still not clear our heart is full of greed. When will we ever live in a place where the mind is without fear and the head is held high? When will this non-stop looting stop? Corruption has reached a point of no return. Disillusionment has set in and this seems to be irreversible. These are dangerous trends in a sensitive and strategic border State like Sikkim.

   India’s Role in Sikkim: Even if our political leadership has failed us time and again,India must live up to the expectations of the Sikkimese people. If it continues to ignore the hopes and aspirations of those who sacrificed their country so that this nation may live in peace and security there may come a day when Sikkim will become a hot-bed of international politics. We may not see that day but that day is not afar if India fails to honour its commitments made to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people during the takeover.

(L to R) 'Stop Muzzling the Press': Angry local journalists stage a protest rally in Gangtok on June 19, 1993. (L to R) Joseph S. Lepcha, Govind P. Sharma, Deependra Khati, Tsering T. Namgyal and Jigme N. Kazi. (Ref: 'Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

   The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi. The erosion of our unique and distinct cultural identity, the systematic manner in which seeds of division are sown in our social fabric, and finally the destruction caused to our fragile environment and ecology cannot and must not be easily condoned. We cannot blame our leaders only; we, too, have shamelessly become agents of division, disunity and destruction. We have sown the wind; we will surely reap the whirlwind.

   Hope and Gratitude: I’m grateful to the Press Club of Sikkim for recognizing my work and honouring me on this very special day. This is the time and the moment to renew our pledge for a strong, united, free and independent Press in the State.

   On this special day I want to remember those who have helped me in my three-decade-long career. Some of them are late Chukie Tobden, Suresh Pramar, Devraj Ranjit, Tenzing Chewang and Pema Wangchuk. I also owe a deep sense of gratitude to the Chamling Government and to those who worked or in any way associated with my printing press and publications.

   Living the way I did is a risky business and I want to say how happy and grateful I am to my wife Tsering, her parents,  and my four kids – Tashi, Yangchen, Sonam and Kunga – for letting me live my life freely and dangerously for so long.

   I hope my endeavours will light up your path and help you to bear the burden of being free and independent in a hostile climate in the days and years to come. My message to you on this day comes from Rev. Jesse Jackson: “Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

   On Myself: French Emperor Napoleon Bonarpate (1769-1821) once said: “There are only two forces in the world, the sword and the spirit. In the long run the sword will always be conquered by the spirit.”

   I have already said “I have accepted the death of my dreams” a few years back and I stand by it.

   However, I have filed my petition in the court of Khangchendzonga, Sikkim’s Guardian Deity, to seek justice – for Sikkim, the Sikkimese people and for myself. I am still patiently waiting for the verdict. That this award should come at this time and in the name of our Presiding Deity is not only very auspicious but meaningful as well.

   Thank you all, both for this wonderful award and your determination to preserve the integrity, independence and freedom of the Press in Sikkim. 

(Full text published in Sikkim Observer, July 21, 2012; jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com

, republished in social media on November 16, 2025, National Press Day.)

 

MY STRUGGLE - VI:  A MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATON OF POLITICAL RIGHTS

 

    Former Minister, K C Pradhan, and Jigme N. Kazi.

On October 10, 1999, a week after the polls (1999 Assembly elections), the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity) formed its first frontal organization – Sikkim Khukuri-Khorlo Movement (SKKM). Pradhan – now 63 and still going strong – was appointed President of the new body, whose main role and objective was to “spearhead the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese”. The formation of the new body was well timed. It sent a clear message to the people and those in power that the OSU would not only continue with the seat issue but would adopt a more strident method to achieve its objectives.

   After Pradhan was appointed SKKM President by myself as OSU Chairman we hoisted the red and yellow flag of our organization in Gangtok for the first time. Till this point the khukuri (traditional weapon of the Nepalese) and the khorlo (wheel of dharma representing the BLs) remained a mere symbol of the organization. The wheel, which also represented the chakra in the national flag, also reflected the sentiments of ‘other Sikkimese’ in the State. Now, under the changed circumstances, it became the organization’s flag, symbolizing the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people. Formation of the SKKM was seen as a virtual revolt against those who let us down and were bent on coming to power irrespective of the irreparable damage done to the future of Sikkim and the Sikkimese. It not only reflected our commitment to the common cause of all Sikkimese but also our resolve to achieve our objectives.

   The Inner Circle of Sikkim (ICS) was first conceived in 1981 during my college days in Bombay. It took shape in the ’80s and surfaced only in 1994, when political instability rocked the State, leading to the abrupt downfall of the 15-year-old Bhandari Government. While the ICS was regarded as the think-tank and top policy-making body of the organization the SKKM became the OSU’s main frontal wing. The OSU remained as the main body of the entire organizational set-up.

   “With the formation of SKKM the movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people will assume a new dimension. The SKKM will now take the initiative in ensuring the Sikkimese people’s participation in the democratic movement,” the OSU’s Press statement said on October 10, 1999, a historic day for the organization.

   Adopting different strategies to achieve its objectives, the OSU sought the help and cooperation of “all political and social organizations in Sikkim and all sections of the population in the State.” While stating that “Both the Central and State governments will also be taken into confidence in our sincere and genuine efforts to preserve Sikkim for the future generations of the Sikkimese people,” the OSU said it was “committed to observing peaceful, non-violent and democratic means to achieve its objectives.”

   By openly declaring that we would take everyone into confidence while going about our job we wanted to send a clear message to all concerned, including the State Government, that we were open to suggestions and ready to take help from any quarter. This message and our sincerity in dealing with the issue in the past so many years – sometimes under very difficult and trying circumstances – ought to have cleared all doubt and misunderstanding and opened channels of communication with all concerned parties, including the State Government and the ruling party (Sikkim Democratic Front).

   All parties – if they are really keen on solving our basic political issues – should and could have seized the opportunity, got our support and settled the issue once and for all. Our main objective was to solve the problem and get our demands met; we were not there to take credit for our efforts and our success. Many failed to understand this and this led to doubt, mistrust and misunderstanding. Those looking for personal and political gains on the issue either doubted our motive or refused to join hands with us as they feared being left out in the cold. Our credibility, competence and commitment to the cause made those who profess to also champion the same cause insignificant and insecure. This was indeed the main reason why they failed or deliberately did not cooperate and caused unnecessary obstacles in our fight for our survival. If you yourself are not trustworthy you also fail to trust others. In such a situation ‘common cause’ becomes the ultimate victim.

   Despite the OSU’s pledge that it would not take part in electoral politics in the State unless seats in the Assembly were restored to the Sikkimese, the political establishment had great doubt on us and tried to suppress our movement through devious means. It felt that if we – KC-Jigme combine (KC Pradhan is often referred to as ‘KC’) – succeeded in our mission it would lead to the eclipse of many politicians and political parties, which for a long time have been fooling and misleading the people on the said issue for their vested interests.

   One of the top bureaucrats close to Chamling from the BL community tried to arrange secret meetings between Pradhan and the Chief Minister during this period. Why doesn’t Chamling want to meet me or for that matter the entire OSU team? Had Chamling done this he would surely have benefitted a great deal. The precarious situation we were facing made me write the editorial in the Observer in December 1999 under the caption “Sikkim’s Future: Agents of Disunity At Work”: “The move initiated by some senior bureaucrats from the minority Bhutia-Lepcha community on the demand for restoration of Assembly seats in the State is not very encouraging. Their negative attitude towards those who are genuinely involved in the movement for restoration of the democratic rights of the Sikkimese people as per the terms and spirit of Sikkim’s ‘merger’ reflects a colonial mindset and sycophancy that is gradually growing in the State administration. To please their political masters they are going against the hopes and aspirations of the Sikkimese people, who are looking for ways to safeguard their long-term rights and interests in the land of their origin.

   For nearly a decade and half after the ‘merger’ the legitimate rights of the Sikkimese people belonging to the three ethnic communities have been suppressed. Under the leadership of Pawan Chamling the Sikkimese people were successful in ensuring that a climate of fear was removed and the democratic process reinstated. Having fought for restoration of democracy in the State it is now the right and the responsibility of the Sikkimese people to openly and fearlessly come together and march ahead hand-in-hand for their ultimate fight to preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union.”

   The editorial added: “Any move to browbeat or suppress the Sikkimese people’s movement for a special place in the Indian Union cannot and must not be tolerated. All those who have an evil design and a hidden agenda for Sikkim will surely be exposed even as they consciously or unconsciously reveal their true nature. While adjustments can be made on minor matters there cannot be any compromise on basic issues that concern the Sikkimese people.

   The leadership of the Organization of Sikkimese Unity (OSU), which is spearheading the demand for restoration of all the 32 seat in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, have rightly observed that they will not bow to the diktats of those who are unwilling to fight for the unity and identity of the Sikkimese people.

   What should rightly be brought to the notice of the public is the attempt made by some highly-placed bureaucrats to either buy off or cause a split in the organizations, including OSU, which are hell-bent on preserving Sikkim for the coming generations of the Sikkimese people. One senior officer pointed out that Revenue Order No 1 fully protected the interest of the minority community and it was unwise to demand restoration of Assembly seats for the original Bhutia-Lepchas in the State. Is this acceptable to the BLs? Certainly not. In a small State like Sikkim restoration of the democratic rights through seat reservation is the only weapon to ensure the survival of the Sikkimese against massive influx in the State.

   Another senior officer is making concerted attempts in causing disunity and misunderstanding among the OSU leadership. His attempts to arrange secret meetings with one of the OSU leaders with the powers-that-be is an indication that something is wrong somewhere. These developments must be viewed in the light of the Government’s attempts to crackdown on those who recently organized a 12-hour hunger strike on the seat issue on October 2.”

   The editorial reiterated its stand on the Assembly seat issue: “For the first time in the past twenty five years a serious and genuine attempt is being made by concerned citizens to respect the mandate given by the Sikkimese people on the seat issue. Ever since the abolition of Assembly seats reserved for the Sikkimese people in 1979 to this day the Sikkimese people have voiced their legitimate concern for their future survival in the State. “

   The editorial added: “A handful of politicians and bureaucrats cannot and must not be allowed to suppress the democratic urges of the Sikkimese people for their vested interests. The Sikkimese people will certainly be faced with many challenges in the near future. When a new situation comes into being and when the Sikkimese people are on the crossroad they ought to take note of who their real friends and enemies are. Sometimes wolves are clothed in sheep’s clothing. The time is nearing when the sheep and the goats will be forced to take their rightful place in society. To avoid any embarrassing situation the concerned authorities must fall in line and bow down to the wishes of the people. As the new millennium approaches Sikkim and the Sikkimese people will be given a new opportunity to redefine their place in the world’s largest democracy. What is needed is reconciliation and a more positive attitude to move forward together.”

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)