My Struggle – VIII

GENUINE REPRESENTATION IN THE ASSEMBLY

   The common misconception on the seat issue is that restoration of Assembly seats to the Sikkimese would mean resorting to the pre-merger seat arrangement (15 seats for BLs, 15 for Nepalese, 1 each for Sangha and Scheduled Castes) in the Assembly, commonly referred to as the “parity formula”, which has been vociferously opposed by a section of the Nepalese during the merger era and thereafter. If we feel that this formula is unjust, unfair, undemocratic and, therefore, unacceptable to us then we have to arrive at a consensus formula through debate and discussion in an atmosphere of mutual trust, understanding, cooperation and tolerance. The basic issue is to ensure that all or majority of the seats in the Assembly – be it 32, 40 or even 60 – be reserved for the three ethnic communities as in the past. We must not allow politicians and vested interests to misguide and lead us astray on this vital issue.

   I personally have always been very open and broadminded on the seat issue. The important thing is that we all think, act and live like a ‘Sikkimese’ – as truly belonging to and caring for Sikkim and the Sikkimese – and not let caste, race and communal politics affect our outlook. I have always been very sensitive on dealing with the seat formula and throughout my professional and political career in the past so many years I have kept mum on this very sensitive and touchy issue.

   At times, K.C. Pradhan, on his personal capacity, publicly declared his own seat formula. But neither the OSU nor I have been party to his formula on the seat issue. His formulae were his personal views – not mine or that of the OSU. I have never openly accepted or rejected Pradhan’s formula though I reported on it in my paper on several occasions. However, I have often taken the liberty of advising Pradhan not to spell out any formula before discussing it with others – formally or informally.

   Arriving at a seat formula before public debate and discussion would not only be like putting the cart before the horse, it would also be undemocratic and unwise. Furthermore, it would lead to unnecessary confusion, misunderstanding and tension – perfect ingredients for vested interests to stall the issue. In fact, this is exactly what happened as we shall see.

   My own views on the seat formula is that we should have a broader outlook in resolving this long-pending demand. Besides the three ethnic communities we need to respect the sentiments and aspirations of those belonging to the business community who are not only plainspeople but come from the hills of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. Then there are others who are temporary residents in the State. Some of them, in years to come, may be referred to as ‘locals’ in the broader sense of the word. As we are now part of India we need to take a broader view - perhaps a more humane approach – on the seat issue and find out ways to ensure that all those residing in Sikkim, whether on permanent or temporary basis, are fairly represented in the Assembly on a long-term basis.

   Genuine representation of the indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas in the Assembly can only be achieved through a just and fair delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The recent delimitation of Assembly constituencies carried out in the State is not in the interest of the minority community. The voting system of the Sangha, based on electoral college, where only the lamas vote for their representative, seems to be an ideal system for the BLs as their population is not only diminishing but scattered all over the State.

   In the past three decades (1974-2004), BL representatives in the Assembly have not been able to fully represent their communities in as well as outside the Assembly and the government as majority of voters in almost all the 12 seats reserved for the BLs were non-BLs belonging basically to the majority Nepalese community. This system has done great injustice to the BLs who see themselves as the vanishing tribes in Sikkim.

   The ‘parity formula’, i.e. reservation of equal number of seats between the BLs and Nepalese, may not be acceptable to the majority Sikkimese Nepalese. We must, therefore, respect their sentiments and evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue that would satisfy the Nepalese and yet be acceptable to the BLs. I believe that in the long run it is better for the Sikkimese Nepalese to have seats reserved for them in the Assembly then to increase the general seats to accommodate them and others. Ultimately, general seats will be filled up by non-Sikkimese, who enter the State from the neighbouring states and countries. The distinct identity and political rights of Sikkimese Nepalese can best be safeguarded if seats are reserved for them in the Assembly. Its small population, the increasing influx of outsiders, and the strategic location of the State are basic factors that help to justify the case for Assembly seat reservation for bonafide Sikkimese. Moreover, India has a moral duty to abide by the assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger.

 

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

Jigme N. Kazi:

Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS), and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim and Hail Mt. Hermon! A Tribute (2020).

 

 

 

My Struggle – VII

PRESS AND POLITICS

    As early as the beginning of 1998 I had adopted a strong view on the continued and blatant violation of assurances given to the Sikkimese people during the merger and even issued an ultimatum to the Centre and the State Government on the seat issue. The deadline for this ultimatum was April 26, 2000, when Sikkim would complete 25 years as a full-fledged State of the Union of India. I felt the need to take a fresh look on the issue with a view to doing something concrete and radical or even initiate something new and different that would lay the foundation for future initiatives on the seat issue.

    My book was unofficially banned in Sikkim, so I presented to only two persons when it was published in 2014 - former Chief Minister, Nar Bahadur Bhandari (seen above) and former Gangtok MLA and Mayor, Balchand Sarda. 

   More than six years passed by since the OSU (Organization of Sikkimese Unity)  came out in the open on the Assembly seat issue in 1994. In fact, almost ten years had elapsed since I thought of doing something serious on the seat issue. After the 1989 electoral ‘defeat’ of the Opposition in the Assembly polls I felt strongly about getting the OSU started but somehow my main focus was on the Press and my paper. The Sikkim Observer was then perhaps the only English weekly that took journalism seriously in Sikkim. Had there been a few more credible papers in the State I would have given charge of the paper to someone and focused on the OSU.

With former Sikkim CM (1994-2019, Pawan Chamling, in 2017.

   But this wasn’t the case and my priority was to give the paper a firm foundation. I feel that I have been more than successful in this venture though due to circumstances beyond my control the publication of the Observer was irregular at times. However, the very survival of the printing press and the paper – despite trying circumstances for such a long period of time – is something to boast about. I take great pride in the fact that through my publications I have been able to set new standards in print journalism while also making immense contribution to Sikkimese society in general. In the final analysis, success must be measured by our commitment and contribution to the people and to humane and democratic values.

    The importance of regularly bringing out the Observer to inform the people on major events and issues of the day and about the way things were and in the process becoming a catalyst for change in social and political circles was felt deeply all through my career.  This objective has been achieved to a large extent and I intend to devote some time to do an exclusive book on the way we lived and functioned in the Observer.

With former Gangtok MLA and Mayor

   Creating public awareness through the media on vital issues, including social and political matters, is one thing but direct social and political involvement is another matter. Most social and political organizations come and go and pay only lip services to basic issues that concern the long-term interests of the people. My main objective in my profession and as a political activist has been to first create public awareness on the seat issue and then support anyone or any organization, including political parties, which would pursue the seat issue seriously and take it to its logical conclusion.

With former Minister, RC Poudyal.

   I was even prepared to come out in the open and get actively involved in politics on the seat issue till the demand was fulfilled. I had this feeling that others were not really interested on things that became my passion and that only the OSU would be able to do the job. But I could not do it alone. I needed at least two fairly credible, acceptable and known figures from the Lepcha and Nepalese communities and perhaps someone from the old business community who were free and willing to help me lead the movement.

   Since I could not devote full time on the job from 1994, when the OSU was revived, I cannot squarely blame my colleagues in the organization for not taking their responsibilities seriously. We all must humbly accept our shortcomings and move up from there and not let it bog us down. Had we done the right thing and at the right time we would be calling the shots now. Unfortunately, this was not the case then and people were, once again, forced to rely on petty and narrow-minded politicians and those who raise issues with an ulterior motive. This is the main reason why movements – even great movements – often fail. They lack people who have a firm conviction and committed to a cause. It is this conviction that forces them to commit themselves to a cause whose main objective is for the common good of all people.

With former MLA, NB Khatiwada.

   One of the main reasons why I remained quiet on the seat issue after the OSU’s revival in 1994 was that I expected Chamling to take up the issue seriously and resolve it to the satisfaction of all communities. Those, including Chamling, who claim that democracy was restored after the SDF came to power in December 1994, must be ready and willing to fight for the democratic rights of the people in the changed political atmosphere. Restoration of democracy would be useless and meaningless if the people’s basic political and democratic rights are not restored.

    I had no real interest in getting involved in local politics besides trying to safeguard the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union. This can largely be achieved if we are able to restore all the 32 seats in the Assembly to bonafide Sikkimese. It is up to us to evolve a suitable formula on the seat issue but this must be done within the framework of Article 371F of the Constitution, which is the basic foundation for laying the four cornerstones – cultural, social, economic and political – of our distinct identity.

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)