Thursday, July 28, 2022

 

Let us stop fighting over scraps

   Even as the next Assembly elections draw nearer there is the need to remind ourselves of the importance of maintaining the peaceful atmosphere in the State during electioneering. What should be kept in mind, particularly by those who hold responsible positions in various social and political organizations, is to keep our sanity intact and not be carried away by mere politicking that would lead to unnecessary tension and insecurity in public life.

   Let us keep reminding ourselves that what we are fighting for is not a war of independence nor are we engaged in a revolutionary movement for total change in the system of governance. We are, to be honest to ourselves, merely participating in the democratic process that allows holding of elections once in a while. Even as we prepare for the next Assembly polls, be it in April or November, we must convince ourselves first of the need to look beyond electoral politics and work for the well-being of all people.

   We have seen several governments come and go in the past two and half decades. What is the net result of all these elections? Promises are made to be broken as soon as the polls are over. By and large, the situation has remained the same since Sikkim began identifying itself with the world’s largest democracy when the former kingdom reluctantly joined the mainstream of Indian politics in 1975.

   Forces of division and disunity were actively at work ever since 1973. They gained the upper hand in 1974, leading to Sikkim’s ultimate ‘merger’ with India in April-May 1975.  Fortunately, for the people of Sikkim a man from the majority community emerged in Sikkim’s turbulent political arena in the ’70s. He was hailed by the majority and loved by the minority. His name was Nar Bahadur Bhandari. But within two years of Mr. Bhandari stepping into Mintokgang, the Chief Minister’s official residence, he lost the confidence of the people.

   From the ashes of disaster was born Sikkim Sangram Parishad. Born on May 24, 1984, the SSP leadership gradually steered itself away from the minds and hearts of the Sikkimese people. The minority lost hope in Mr. Bhandari’s leadership while the majority clung to him but perceptive observers had already anticipated Mr. Bhandari’s next move. Forgetting the plight of three lakh Sikkimese the SSP supremo was setting his sights high for the leadership of the ‘one crore Nepalese’ in the sub-continent.

   But pride has its fall. And the strong and mighty fell on May 1994. The SSP leadership’s bid to forcefully curb democratic stirrings soon led to the emergence of Mr. Pawan Chamling. The two protagonists will once again face each other in the next polls. Whatever be their agenda for Sikkim it has to be achieved through the democratic process using peaceful and legitimate means. It is perhaps with this in mind that Mr. Chamling had made a casual suggestion for holding of the polls under Governor’s rule.

   One of the main characteristics of Sikkim’s unique and distinct identity is maintenance of peace, unity and communal harmony. Clashes between ruling party and SSP supporters in Jorethang last week has the potential of enflaming communal passion. This must never happen. More than ever before there is the need to ensure that things do not get out of control as was seen in south and west districts last week.

   As we move ahead let us constantly remind ourselves of the need to maintain our balance in whatever situation we find ourselves in. If we are really pursuing higher goals for our society then we ought to cement our bonds with each other instead of destroying it. Let us face it; what we are really after is for a few bags of cement and a few pieces of rod. Let us stop fighting over such scraps. It’s not worth it.

(Ref: Sikkim Observer, Hill Media Publications, November 7, 1998.)

 

 

Friday, July 15, 2022

 

INSIDE SIKKIM

ONE-MAN RULE, ONE-PARTY SYSTEM

   Bhandari’s 14-year ‘misrule’ in Sikkim saw the tiny Himalayan State gradually degenerate into a state where people totally lost faith in democracy and democratic values. Instead of enjoying the fruits of democracy, the Sikkimese people, after the ‘merger’, had a taste of dictatorship in a democratic set-up.

   Under the Bhandari regime, all democratic institutions, including the Press, were silenced and forced to acknowledge the supremacy of ‘one-man rule and one-party’ system. This book reveals how and why all forms of dissent were suppressed and a ‘one-man rule’ perpetuated in Sikkim.

   Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide also brings into focus how the system in Sikkim functioned in the last one and half decades (1979-1993), leaving the people of the strategic Himalayan border State completely defenceless, insecure and exploited. The struggle of the people to live in a free and democratic atmosphere, where the right to live with respect and dignity and to preserve the unique and distinct identity of Sikkim, within the Union, has been well articulated in this book.

   Since 1983, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, The Times of India, United News of India (UNI), Inter Press Service (IPS) and The Independent (Nepal).

   He is the editor-cum-proprietor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian and author of Inside Sikkim:Against the Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (1999) and The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014).

‘GENUINE REPRESENTATION’ IN THE ASSEMBLY


   The only visible opposition parties in Sikkim – the Congress (I) and the Naya Sikkim Party (NSP) – completely disappeared from the political scene after their debacle in the Assembly elections. There was also no trace of the Congress (R), Himali Congress and the Sikkim United Council. Poudyal himself took the blame for the party’s defeat and resigned from party chief’s post after the elections and chose to keep quiet. Infighting within the Congress (I) continued over the leadership issue and party activities in the State came to a standstill. By then, it was clear to everyone that the era of ‘one-man-rule and one-party-system’ had begun.

   The defeat of prominent tribal leaders – some of them ex-ministers and office-bearers of the Congress (I) – in the March 1985 Assembly elections justified the apprehension that thought 13 seats were reserved for the BLs, genuine tribal candidates who had some standing amongst the people could not be voted as the majority of the voters in the reserved constituencies of the BLs were Nepalese.

   The only visible political activity in Sikkim after Bhandari’s comeback in 1985 was the move for formation of a strong and united tribal organisation in Sikkim. The initiative towards this goal was taken by the Sikkim Tribal Welfare Association (STWA) under the leadership of Pasang Obed Pazo, ex-secretary of the State Government and a soft-spoken Sikkimese Christian belonging to the Lepcha community. Pazo, who unsuccessfully contested the 1985 Assembly elections as an independent candidate from Gangtok constituency, was the choice of most tribals to head the STWA, which was then the only recognised and credible tribal organisation in Sikkim.

   By the end of 1985 almost all tribal organisations in Sikkim, including Denzong Tribal Yargay Chogpa, Sikkim Lhomon Youth Council, Rangjyong Mutanchi Rong Tarzum and Mayel Pronzum, decided to form a ‘joint front’ to work towards the formation of a strong and united tribal body to press for the genuine demands of the tribals and to highlight their basic issues. A Joint Action Committee (JAC), headed by Pazo, was formed to pursue this goal.

   In its six-point memorandum submitted to the Governor, Bhishma Narain Singh, on October 1985, the STWA raised the demand for restoration of reservation of 16 seats in the Assembly for the BLs, delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the House, grant of citizenship to ‘stateless persons’ based on the provisions made under the Sikkim Subjects Regulation and extension of inner-line permit system to check influx of outsiders. These were not new demands but reflected issues raised by the Association in its many memoranda presented, from time to time, to the State and Central government authorities by the STWA ever since its formation in 1978.

   The memorandum explicitly emphasised the need to safeguard the rights and interests of the tribals enshrined in Article 371F of the Constitution, which deals with Sikkim: “With the passage of time, the original inhabitants of Sikkim, namely the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals, have been reduced to a minority in our own homeland and thus endangering our very survival in the land of our origin. The gradual disintegration and destruction of our distinct socio-cultural identity over the past few decades and especially since the merger in 1975, has been the cause of much fear, suspicion and insecurity amongst the tribal community, who have lived in peace and amity in the past so many centuries. We have every reason to believe that we are now on the brink of extinction if proper and timely steps are not taken on this vital matter.”

   Stating that seats reserved for the tribals had been reduced to 13 from 16, the memorandum pointed out that the reservation of their seats in the Assembly was being challenged by a section of the major community in the highest court of the land. In order to fully protect the minority community, the STWA demanded restoration of the earlier 16 seats reserved for them prior to the merger.

   On the controversial demand for grant of Indian citizenship to the ‘stateless persons’ in Sikkim, the memorandum was even more explicit: “Ethnic representation and reservation of seats in the State Assembly envisages that this right will only be in respect of the ethnic communities of Sikkim. We now feel that all attempts are being made by interested groups and persons, much to the misfortune of the people of Sikkim as a whole, and particularly of the Bhutia-Lepchas, to induct and give citizenship status to a huge number of outsiders for inclusion of their names in the electoral rolls, irrespective of the qualifying years of residence in Sikkim. This will undoubtedly create serious logistical problems and thus the very fabric of Sikkim’s economic, social and political structures will be completely disarrayed, and endanger the very existence of the genuine Sikkimese Indian citizens.”

   The memorandum further added: “Names of foreign nationals, which have been included in the electoral rolls, must be deleted. The identity of those with doubtful citizenship and those who are said to be ‘stateless persons’ must be finalised before granting them rights of citizenship. We propose that Sikkim Subjects Regulation of 1961 be used as a base for the purpose of determining grant of citizenship in Sikkim.  There should be no representation for such persons in the Assembly before finalising their identity.”

   But perhaps the main issue of the tribals, which is well known to everyone in the State, is the demand for ‘genuine representation’ of the tribals in the Assembly through fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The STWA, particularly under Pazo’s leadership, highlighted this demand and made its main issue. The memorandum presented to the Sikkim Governor was reflective of this: “The spirit behind the reservation of seats will have no meaning unless and until fresh delimitation of the Assembly constituencies is made to ensure genuine tribal representation in the Legislative Assembly. In spite of the fact that elections have taken place in Sikkim on the democratic principle of equity and justice, the ethnic minority community has not beeen justly represented in the State Assembly.

   Those who are elected have to depend on the vote-bank dominated and controlled by the major community. As such, the Bhutia-Lepcha candidates, elected from their reserved constituencies, virtually become ineffective to safeguard the basic fundamental rights of the ethnic minority tribals of Sikkim. So far, only two constituencies (Lachen-Mangshilla and Dzongu in north Sikkim) of the 31 territorial constituencies, genuinely represent the tribals in the State. As such, we pray that the constituencies may be so demarcated as to include all pockets dominated by the ethnic tribals for all the seats reserved for them.”

   As one of the general secretaries of the STWA at that time, I was also one of the signatories to this memorandum. Much of my time in 1984-85 was spent on various activities of the Association, which was aimed at creating a general awareness of the basic issues of the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals in the State. As Bhandari was not in favour of any other organisation, particularly independent tribal organisations, coming up in the State, the STWA did not receive much patronage from the government. Almost all tribal legislators kept themselves away from the STWA. But this did not deter us. Most of those who played a leading role in the STWA worked for genuine communal harmony in the State based on mutual respect and trust.

   We did not make any new demands but wanted to safeguard and strengthen whatever was already provided for us under the Constitution of the country. Most conscious tribals were aware of the importance of seats in the Assembly being reserved for the Sikkimese as a whole as had been done in the past. This meant that they also wanted seats to be reserved for the majority Sikkimese Nepalese as well.

  In the Spotlight on Sikkim and Sikkim Observer, I constantly highlighted the need for fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the Assembly. Sikkim is a small place with a population of only 4.50 lacs of which only three and half lacs would be safely categorized into the ‘genuine Sikkimese’ group. Though the Sikkimese Nepalese were in the majority in Sikkim, due to increasing influx of outsiders, they would ultimately be reduced to a minority community just like the BLs. It is in the interest of Sikkim and the Sikkimese, and in the greater interest of the country at large that political rights should be fully restored to the Sikkimese. This would ensure genuine communal harmony and genuine peace in the region.

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, 1993. Full text see jigmenkazisikkim. blogspot.com)

 

 


Friday, July 1, 2022

 

SOUL OF SIKKIM: Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal (1923-1982)

A LONELY STRUGGLE

Nearly ten years after he took over the Sikkim administration as the Chief Executive, B.S. Das, advised the late Chogual to join the Indian mainstream. The Chogyal, who all his life fought for preservation of the kingdom’s distinct international status, reacted this way: “I am a Sikkimese and belong to this place. How can I leave my people and my country.”



   Although Das’ takeover of the administration in early 1973 paved way for the gradual absorption of the kingdom into the Indian Union two years later, he, nevertheless, was kind and realistic in his assessment of Palden Thondup Namgyal, the former Chogyal who died in I982. In his book, Sikkim Saga, published in 1983, Das in the last chapter has this to say about the Chogyal: “A lone and forgotten man who lost his kingdom, his wife and everything that he stood for, stuck to his Palace, his people, his Sikkim till he breathed his last. Unbending in his misfortune, he dreamt of someone, someday appreciating the righteousness of his cause and placing him in history as a true nationalist who fought singlehanded against all odds for what he believed in.

   His silvery grey hair and the small wrinkles on the face alone spoke of the strain of the past years but they made him look even handsomer than he was. Yet, he showed no rancour, no bitterness and held his head high. To leave his people and Sikkim was totally unacceptable to him.”

   Das then makes a personal admission, “As a person, I hold Palden Thondup Namgyal in great esteem. I have met few personalities in my long career who could stand up and fight for a cause. For him, more than his personal gains, Sikkim’s identity was a cause. That he fought using all means available to him does credit to him. His battle was one sided and against all odds. That did not deter him as it was a question of his faith in the righteousness of his cause.”

   I had a feeling that the late Nari Rustomji was preparing a book on the Chogyal while I was studying law in Bombay in the early ’80s. Upon my enquiry Rustomji told me that the book would be called…I forget the real name but it definitely had the word “Prince”. I told Rustomji that this was not right as “our King” was not a mere “Prince” but the Chogyal. He was quite sympathetic to my suggestion but said referring to the Chogyal as a Prince gave him more prominence. I wasn’t too convinced about his justification but didn’t say much on the subject.

   Of Rustomji’s four books, which dealt with Sikkim, Bhutan and the North-East, the last one was exclusively on Sikkim. It was called “Sikkim: A Himalayan Tragedy”. While he referred to the Chogyal as ‘prince’ the name of the book was different. Maybe he had some rethinking after I put forward my suggestion about the title. May be not. The book was published in 1987 and in the same year Rustomji came to Sikkim for a visit.

   Rustomji personally handed a hardbound copy of his book to me with his signature and a short note which read: “For my friend, Jigme, who will, no doubt, critically review! In trepidation.” The book was devoted:

“To the memory of Palden Thondup Namgyal: 

A moment, and time will forget

Our failure and our name

But not the common thought

That linked us in a dream.”

 

   Rustomji, who had known the Chogyal ever since their days in the ICS in Dehra Dun in 1942, had this to say about his life-long friend in the book, which was actually an extract from his article in Indian Express (dated Feb 14, 1982) entitled: “The King must die”:

   “It was his misfortune that, try as he might, he could not get people to understand that small can be beautiful. Nor could he allow himself to be convinced that others did not see Sikkim as he saw her, that Sikkim’s existence was, for the rest of the world, a non-event. His principles might have been unrealistic and all wrong, but he was not prepared, to the very last, to compromise with them. He was intoxicated by his passion for his land and people.”

   One of the first things that I wanted to do after my own book, “Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide”, was published in December 1993, was to fly down to Bombay and handover my book to Rustomji. But I was deprived of this privilege. I came to learn that time that Rustomji had passed away in October 1993, just two months before my book was published.

  Till this moment I have not written anything on Rustomji nor have I reviewed his book. But when I do something for him it’ll then be my turn to dedicate it to him and say:

 

“A moment, and time will forget

Our failure and our name

But not the common thought

That linked us in a dream.”

 

   Today, this dream is shared by many Sikkimese. In an article entitled, “Soul of Sikkim, Soul on Fire”, carried in the annual college magazine (of Sikkim Students Association, Bombay. I was the President of the Association and editor of the magazine), Lukshyama, in 1982 I wrote: “A king must die, but his people live on and his hopes continue…the 19th of February 1982 will go down in the history of Sikkim. It was not a funeral day of the late Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal of Sikkim; it was the day of resurrection of the Sikkimese people whose long-suppressed spirit found utterance…The forces that work against its people cannot ignore the impact of the day. What they heard cannot be forgotten. For on that day the people spoke. Their silent speeches and their silken scarves will forever be recorded in the minds of those who witnessed the greatness of that day. The very fragrance of the day will last for eternity.”

   I was aware of the pressure exerted on me at that time for this piece and I paid the price. I particularly remember a comment made by someone in my own village who had read my piece. He said, “The Sikkimese people will understand what you have written only after twenty years.” This was in 1982.

   It has taken 18 years for the Sikkimese people to acknowledge the greatness of the Chogyal. Recently, the Chamling Government decided to install a statue of the Chogyal in the capital. The Governor, New Delhi’s highest representative in the State, while laying down the foundation stone of the Chogyal’s statue, showered praises for the Chogyal and called him “The Soul of Sikkim”.

   History is witness to the fact that true leaders of any country are much ahead of their peers and people. The Sikkimese people are now beginning to understand and appreciate the heroic deeds of the last monarch of the Namgyal Dynasty. To those who are prepared to fight for preservation of Sikkim’s distinct identity within the framework of the Constitution they must first, like the late Chogyal, be intoxicated by a passion that lasts and inspires others to fight for a cause against all odds.

 

(Ref: Sikkim Observer, July 17-23, 1999.)

Friday, June 24, 2022

 

Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal (1923-1982)

SOUL OF SIKKIM





“During the hour of his trial, when his very throne was at stake, Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal stood like a rock and sacrificed petty considerations for the lofty ideals he had espoused. He lost, but in the very process of losing his throne and status, he rose to his full stature. For when ‘little men’ who rule the roost in Sikkim will have been consigned to dust, posterity will look back with awe and respect upon the last representative of the House of Namgyal on the throne of Sikkim and say that Palden Thondup Namgyal bowed out of the political stage of Sikkim with the grace of a ruler and with the courage of a real man. He lost his Kingdom, but gained a martyr’s halo. And his descendants will be able to walk with their heads held high whatever their circumstances in life happen to be.”

(Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim, Jigme N. Kazi, 2020, Notion Press, and Sikkim Legislative Assembly proceedings.)

 

BANNER OF REVOLT

 

“There is one thing stronger

than all the armies of the world;

and that is an idea

whose time has come.”

                      -  Victor Hugo

 

“One of the strongest

characteristics of genius is

the power of lighting its own fire”

 

                        -  John Foster

 

 


At around 9 in the morning of April 26 this Wednesday my boys helped me to raise a black flag on the top of my building at Nam Nang, Gangtok. There are now seven flags atop my incomplete concrete structure. Five of them in different colours (blue, white, red, green and yellow), reflecting the five elements of the earth, are Buddhist prayer flags, one is the OSU (Organisation of Sikkimese Unity) flag in red and yellow, bearing the Khukuri and Khorlo symbols, which stand for unity and identity of the three ethnic communities of Sikkim. The last addition is a black flag made of Swiss cotton. Seven is a good number, and I strongly believe that the last flag is significant in its own unique way.

   Three years back, I, as the OSU Chairman, gave an ultimatum to the Centre to restore the political rights of the bonafide Sikkimese people as per Article 371F of the Constitution of India by April 26, 2000, when the former kingdom completes 25 years as an Indian State.

   Though each year the State Day is observed on May 16, it must be noted that the Indian Parliament, by inserting Article 371F in the Constitution, through the April 26, 1975 amendment, made Sikkim the 22nd State of the India Union.

   The betrayal of the Sikkimese people through violation of the provisions of this article of faith and trust by New Delhi cannot be forgotten so easily. It must be placed on record for future sons and daughters of Sikkim to take note of and act accordingly.  Four years after the passing of the 36th Constitution (Amendment) Bill on April 26, 1975, the Indian President, through an Ordinance in September 1979, scrapped the 32 seats reserved for the Sikkimese people in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly. In 1980, when the Congress(I) returned to power in New Delhi, it passed the Representation of People (Amendment) Act. This Act abolished Assembly seats reserved for bonafide Sikkimese.

   By taking note of the 1978 Sikkim Scheduled Tribes Order the 1980 Act indirectly did away with reservation of 12 Assembly seats of the Bhutias and Lepchas. The unclear definition of “Sikkimese” proves that seats reserved for the Lepchas, Sangha and Scheduled Castes may not necessarily go to a bonafide Sikkimese belonging to these communities.

   Ever since 1978-79, the people of Sikkim, through its governments, political and social organizations, have persistently asked the Centre to honour its commitment made to the Sikkimese people during 1974-75 and restore the political rights of the Sikkimese people. Despite the overwhelming support on the seat issue in the past twenty years New Delhi still refuses to budge an inch and instead is going ahead with its divide and rule policy.

   New Delhi’s obvious silence on the issue is not just for two or three years. Twenty five  years - a quarter of century - is a long time to meet the just demands of the Sikkimese people. Keeping the Sikkimese people perpetually waiting on this issue is not in the interest of the nation, particularly when many sensitive issues are related to it.  The raising of a black flag on this historic day in this sensitive and strategic border State should not be ignored. The banner of revolt will spread if New Delhi continues to suppress the just demands of the Sikkimese people.

   The OSU was primarily formed to preserve, protect and promote Sikkim’s distinct identity within the Union and within the framework of Article 371F of the Constitution. The OSU has given full support to those who have been demanding restoration of democracy and political rights to the Sikkimese people.

   However, we are now fully convinced that most of those who claim to champion the cause of the Sikkimese people are not genuine, sincere and serious about the problems and plight of the Sikkimese people. Therefore, it is with a heart full of burden and concern for the long-term interest of the Sikkimese people that we in the OSU decided to take things seriously and not depend on others to do all that we want to do for our fellow Sikkimese.

   The black flag atop my building facing Sikkim’s mighty Kanchenjunga is also a protest against those who have failed to honour the people’s mandate and thereby politically and enonomically suppressed the Sikkimese people in the past two and half decades. While my initiative is a mark of protest and revolt, it is also a symbol of hope for those who still have faith in themselves to continue with the struggle for survival in the land of their origin.

(Ref: Sikkim Observer, April 29-May 5, 2000.)

SOUL OF SIKKIM: Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal (1923-1982)

END OF AN ERA


With the cremation of Palden Thondup Namgyal, the former Chogyal of Sikkim, in Gangtok, a 100-year-old dynasty finally came to an end. Though deprived of his throne since 1975, when Sikkim became a state of the Indian Union, the pomp and pageantry that accompanied the cremation ceremony was certainly befitting royalty. 

The last years of his life had been spent in bitterness and pain and even humiliation. He was a king without a kingdom, betrayed by his own people, his tiny Himalayan monarchy snatched rudely away by a mighty neighbour, his power and prestige reduced to nothingness. And then, the final denouement: deserted by his American wife, he lay stricken with cancer in an alien land.

   When Palden Thondup Namgyal, 59, the former Chogyal of Sikkim, finally passed into legend and history, there remained the ultimate irony: his voice box had been removed three months earlier so there were no last words, no epitaph he could give himself, no final benediction to his people.

   The irony, however, was not over. In death, if not in life, the Chogyal finally was king again and his tortured soul had found peace. For 20 days, his body, embalmed in New York where he died, lay in state in the royal monastery in Gangtok while thousands of mourners filed past, some sobbing uncontrollably, to pay their final farewell to the departed leader.

   At each corner of the tent-shaped coffin (the Chogyal, according to traditional custom, was placed seated in the classic Buddha pose) four members of the Sikkim Police maintained a 24-hour vigil, heads bowed and rifles reversed.

Stylised Pageantry: Only a king could have commanded, and deserved, such stylised pageantry. Instead of the sombre trappings of a funeral, the coffin room was a riot of colours.

   Two rows of wizened lamas in their red robes sat facing each other, eyes closed and lips moving silently in prayer. Huge prayer flags and tankhas with intricate designs hung solemnly from the ceiling. One hundred butter lamps flickered constantly in the centre of the room, bathing the scene in an eerie glow.

   There was also a symbolic show of defiance in the form of the red and white Sikkim national flag draped over the coffin and hiding the Chogyal's mortal remains from public view.

   Next to the coffin, neatly laid out with spotless tableware, was an incongruous sight - a full meal, freshly cooked, which was served up thrice a day. At breakfast, for instance, there were two fried eggs, bacon, orange juice, a thermos jug of coffee and fruit.

   According to Buddhist tradition, the soul of the dead does not leave the body immediately, but at a moment termed auspicious by the lamas for a period up to 49 days after death.

   For economic reasons, since the family of the dead person has to feed the mourners, the actual cremation takes place within a week. In the Chogyal's case, the lamas had picked the 21st day after his death for the cremation.

   Since the day his body had been flown in to Gangtok on January 31, a row of intricately designed tents had been erected on the grassy knoll separating the palace from the royal monastery. Under the tents, hundreds of female volunteers slaved day and night to provide meals for the hundreds who arrived daily from all parts of the rugged, mountainous state for the cremation.

   Next door, in the tiny Victorian building known as the Palace, the members of the Chogyal's family huddled in private grief, led by the bespectacled and self-assured scion of the Namgyal family, Wangchuk Namgyal, 29.

    "His last days were peaceful and spent in meditation. I think he knew he was going to die and though he couldn't speak he made this quite obvious," says Palden Namgyal the Chogyal's curly-haired son by his second wife, Hope Cooke, who studies in New York and was by his father's bedside when the end came.

Also present was Bhuvanesh Kumari, member of the erstwhile royal family of Patiala and a family friend as well as the former Chogyal's legal adviser. "He was a great man, a renowned scholar and this spontaneous show of grief is a measure of the affection the people had for him," she says.

   On the day of the cremation, the royal family gathered around the coffin at 4.30 a.m. in the pre-dawn darkness to make the traditional offerings of scarves to the Chogyal's coffin. They were joined by the royal family of Bhutan, led by the queen mother, which is related by marriage to the Chogyal's family.

   At 4.45, with dawn edging over the mountains, the coffin was brought out of the monastery and taken to a specially-erected tent and placed on a gaily-decorated palanquin. Till 9 a.m., the coffin remained there while assorted VIPs including N.R. Lasker, minister of state for home, and Homi Talyarkhan. governor of Sikkim, and commoners filed past silently to pay final homage.

   Many, overcome by emotion, knelt and touched the ground with their foreheads in the traditional obeisance to a king. At 9.05, the former Chogyal set out on his final journey to the royal cremation ground on top of a hill overlooking the capital.

   Leading the procession were a group of lamas carrying prayer flags and playing instruments. Behind them marched a brass band playing funeral marches. Behind them was a police contingent with rifles pointing backwards followed by a group of old women with prayer wheels chanting incantations. Then came the main body of the procession, led by the Head Lama. Behind him, the two princesses, Yangchen and Hope Lizum, the latter, the 14-year-old daughter of the Chogyal's second wife Hope Cooke, carrying food and drink wrapped in white gauze.

   Arduous Climb: The coffin itself was initially carried by the male members of the royal family led by Prince Wangchuk and his step-brother, Palden, and Simon Abraham, the English husband of Yangchen.

    The procession circled the royal monastery thrice before another set of pall-bearers took over the started the long seven-kilometre climb to the royal cremation ground.

   Every 200 yards, the pall-bearers would be replaced by people from various localities along the route. In fact, for the last four kilometres of the route, the procession crawled up a narrow, steep path that was, in some places, little more than a goat track.

    It took the procession over three hours to finally arrive at the cremation ground where the coffin was placed on top of a specially-constructed bell-shaped funeral pyre.

   The cremation ground itself was a mass of humanity, with the more agile having clambered up trees to obtain a better view.

    After an hour of rituals, the royal family paid their last respects by throwing scarves onto the pyre after bowing thrice with folded hands, their foreheads touching the ground.

   Finally, to the moving sound of the Last Post echoing through the hills, the pyre was lit and a huge pillar of smoke rose slowly in the hushed silence, casting its shadow over the entire area.

   It was, in the end, a symbol of many things. The end of a shadowy era and the tenuous beginnings of another. An intangible tribute to the memory of a lost kingdom and a disillusioned king.

   But to the thousands of watching mourners, for that one fiery moment, Sikkim was theirs again and not the 22nd state of the Indian Union.

(India Today, Dilip Bobb, Mary 15, 1982)

 

Thursday, April 14, 2022

 

Dzongkar Opening

DZONGKAR: A HOME FOR FAMILY & FRIENDS

A Haven of Peace & Happiness

 


God bless DZongkar

What a lovely name

May it bring you happiness

Affluence, glory and fame

 

To all who visit

Be it a great place to rest,

By God himself

This place is blessed.

 

Not just mortar and stones

It is a labour of love

He has smiled on your efforts

Our God in the heaven’s above

 


You’re turning a new page

Shed the baggage of yore

May it open splendorous avenues

Peace and happiness galore

 

Full of generous welcome

A home for family and friends

Overflowing with love and hospitality

And a warmth that never ends.

 

May God bless this white fortress

May he keep it safe and sound

Within its hallowed portals

May peace and happiness abound

 

(By Hermonite Vedprakash Agarwal)