Remembering Nari Rustomji

“I feel at home with the tribals”

May 16 was Meghalaya’s first chief secretary Nari K Rustomji’s birth anniversary. Glenn C Kharkongor recalls his contribution to the Northeast

NARI K Rustomji studied classical Latin and Greek, was secretary of the Musical Society and played the piano and violin at Cambridge University. Such a background would be considered unusual for a bureaucrat today. Perhaps it was these sensibilities that made Rustomji one of the most endearing political administrators of his era and his affection for the tribals of Northeast India is legendary.

     This week is the 94th birth anniversary of the first chief secretary of Meghalaya, who died a decade ago.

     The Northeast has all but forgotten this remarkable bureaucrat, whose grasp of geopolitical matters and understanding of tribal cultures made him one of the most sympathetic and understanding administrators of the Northeast in the transition to and in the early post-Independence era. He and Verrier Elwin were often described as romantics. They were close friends and Rustomji in fact, edited a volume of Elwin’s selected writings. Their advice was relied upon greatly by Nehru and resulted in a policy for the Northeast that has been described as Nehruvian humanistic paternalism. Sadly, that benevolent policy has lapsed and has been replaced with a chaotic and befuddled mindset in Delhi, which results in cultural aggression and headlong underdevelopment, characterized by insensitivity and greed.

     Rustomji was influenced greatly by Plato and Socrates, and intended to become a school teacher, but was persuaded by his teachers to apply for the ICS. It was during World War II, and at the interview he was asked about his contribution to the war effort. At the time he was a member of the Royal Observer Corps, keeping a tally of enemy planes that flew overhead. When he mentioned that he was a plane spotter, the examiners inquired how many planes he had spotted the previous week. His reply was a solemn “I’m sorry sir, that’s top secret”. There was an amused murmur of approval among the greybeards and he felt that he had clinched the appointment.

     At the end of his ICS probationary training in Dehra Dun, Nari K Rustomji was assigned to Assam, which he accepted whole-heartedly.  One of the main reasons for this enthusiasm was Assam’s proximity to Sikkim and Bhutan. He had been introduced to these countries, India’s neighbours in the Northeast, by his friendship with the crown prince of Sikkim, Thondup Namgyal and his cousin, the prince of Bhutan, Jigme Dorji who were probationers along with him in 1942. These lifelong friendships were cemented during Rustomji’s posting as Dewan of Sikkim from 1954-59 and when he was appointed as Adviser to the Government of Bhutan in 1963.

     Rustomji spent most of his career in the Northeast, spanning from his first appointment as district publicity organiser in Sylhet during the Second World War, a kind of propaganda post to develop and deliver positive messages to the public in favour of the Allies, to being the first chief secretary of Meghalaya in 1972. In between he served in various administrative posts in Maulvibazar, Lakhimpur and Dibrugarh. Perhaps the most noteworthy position that he had was adviser to the Governor of Assam on tribal affairs, during which time he exerted considerable influence on the formulation of policies for the hill areas.

     He was associated with the implementation of the early seven-year plans in Sikkim and Bhutan.  Significant in these development efforts were a visionary intent to protect the environment and biodiversity of the region and to protect the region from unwanted kinds of development. He was also careful to ensure that cultural traditions and sensitivities were protected in implementing the Plans.

     Rustomji was deeply drawn to the tribals of the region. In his book Enchanted Frontiers, Rustomji says, “The people of the hills have had for me a special pull. I feel utterly and completely at home with my (tribal) hosts. I am at heart, very much a tribal myself. I share much of the bewilderment and loss of identity of the tribal of today”. He learned the local language at every posting and even wore indigenous costumes to work. Much of his scholarly writing are on the anthropology and sociology of the tribes and these articles have appeared in journals such as Himalayan Environment and Culture brought out by the Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

     As Dewan of the Chogyal of Sikkim and adviser to the Government of Bhutan, he immersed himself in the cultural milieu of those countries, learning the Sikkimese and Bhutanese languages and wearing the local costumes. He would wear the Sikkimese gown, the ko, even during his trips to Delhi. This led the foreign secretary to comment wryly that while the Dewan might wear Sikkimese dress in Gangtok, he failed to see the point of his wearing the gown in Delhi.

     During the governorship of Sri Prakasa, he played a pivotal role in obtaining the accession to India of the maharajas of Manipur, Cooch Behar and Manipur. Though varying amounts of duress were exerted in these efforts, Rustomji came out each time with the respect of the maharaja.  On each occasion his services were requested as the first Chief Commissioner of the accessed kingdom.

     He had a part in the negotiations with the Naga and Mizo tribals. He tried to convince the Government that “right principles, rather than force of arms” was the right policy. He spoke out against the tendency of officers to pontificate patronizingly about “uplifting our tribal brethren”.  Himself a Zoroastrian, he tried to convince the tribals that they were free to practice the religion of their choice, by arranging special broadcasts of Christian services on Sundays in English and in the various Naga languages. He describes his poignant interaction with a Naga prisoner, discussing letters that the prisoner had written about a cat who was his sole companion in jail.  He discussed with General Shrinagesh about a sympathetic approach to the hearts and minds of the tribal people. Sadly, they were not many in the political and military establishment that shared his statesmanlike approach.

     In 1951, when he was stationed in Shillong as advisor to the Governor of Assam, Rustomji got married to Hilla Master, daughter of Jal Ardeshir Master, chief conservator of forests, Madras Presidency. They had met in Bombay the previous year; he was 31 and she was 23. Their daughter Tusna was born at Welsh Mission Hospital in 1952. Sadly, Hilla died of complications soon after. He married again in 1963 to Avi Dalal, someone the family had long known.

     An unfortunate outcome of Partition was the closure of trade between the Khasi Hills and the contiguous areas of East Pakistan. Perishable oranges and betel nut from the border plantations now had no outlet market and Rustomji approved the request of the local traders for an airstrip in Shella, so that the produce could be flown to Calcutta. Regrettably, this never happened.

     As chief secretary in the new state of Meghalaya, he determined to set up an efficient administration, leading by example. Each morning he walked from his residence, Lumpyngad, followed by a clerk, who dutifully took down notes on the way to the Secretariat. He once visited a district headquarters unannounced and found the deputy commissioner absent from his office. Rustomji sent for the absentee officer, who on hearing that the chief secretary was around immediately declared himself sick. Rustomji then sat in the DC’s chair and spent the day disposing of pending files.

     If you Google his name and browse the internet, only snippets about Rustomji appear, brief lines in a scholarly article or a blog. Most of what is available are accounts in the five books he has written. In these idealistic, analytical and balanced accounts, he carefully blends the history, culture and politics of this complex region as a background for governance and administration.

     Surely the man deserves weightier evidence of his contribution to the Northeast.  Indeed such an analysis would provide clues to achieving better solutions to the continuing myriad problems of the Northeast, many of which can be traced to the post-Independence era in which misguided and heavy-handed policies were framed.  The politicians and mandarins of today seem to continue in the same vein. They should study Rustomji’s books.

(Ref: Shillong Times in 2013, and Parsi Khabar, June 1, 2016.)

 

 

LEST WE FORGET

NARI K. RUSTOMJI

The Common Thought We Shared

   The former Dewan of Sikkim, Nar Rustomji, a very close friend of the late Chogyal, Palden Thondup Namgyal, visited Sikkim in 1985-86. Having first me him in Shillong in the winter of 1978 I longed to see and get to know him more closely when I went to Bombay for my three-year law studies at the end of 1979. My Bombay days brought me closer to Rustomji, the man who was instrumental in bringing many changes in the former kingdom.

   Therefore, I was his natural choice as his tour guide when he paid a visit to Sikkim in mid-’80s. Looking back, I guess it was his last and final visit to the real Sikkim – the countryside. Our short but most memorable tour took us to West Sikkim, whose rich and virgin natural beauty is flavoured with a deep sense of history and culture. In fact, Sikkim’s modern history  began in Yuksam, West Sikkim, when three lamas consecrated the first Chogyal of Sikkim in 1642. Till then I had read and heard much about the historical significance of the area but being there on the spot was a profound and unique experience altogether.

   During this trip we spent a night at the world-renowned Sikkim Distilleries in Rongpo, located at the Sikkim-West Bengal border in the east district. It was there at the guest house that I sought Rustomji’s advice on the name that I should give to my newspaper. Finally, the choice fell on “Sikkim Observer”. The Sikkim Observer was born a few months after Rustomji left Sikkim.

   During his later visit to Sikkim in March 1987, uncle Rustomji presented me his new book, “Sikkim: A Himalayan Tragedy” with this note in the front page, “For my friend Jigme, who will, no doubt, critically review! In trepidation. And also for Tsering, with all good wishes for a long and happy married life.”

   When I completed my own book, “Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide”, in 1993 my deepest desire was to present a copy of it to uncle Rustomji. He would have loved it. Unfortunately, I came to know in the beginning of 1994 that uncle had passed away a few months before my book was released in New Delhi.

   This perhaps is the first time that I’m making a mention of him and his book in the Observer. I still miss him and will forever cherish the rich memories that we shared together over the years ever since I first met him in one of my classmates’ house at Whispering Pines in Shillong. Though these words were meant for the late Chogyal let me dedicate them to him in his memory:

A moment, and time will forget

Our failure and our name

But not the common thought

That linked us in a dream.

 

 

J-K Parties Up In Arms Over Move To GiveVoting Rights To ‘Outsiders’ Before Assembly Polls

In Jammu and Kashmir, it has become a routine: The government each month issues an order. The order creates a political storm. The government ignores political protestation and issues another order and moves debate in a different direction.

In Jammu and Kashmir, it has become a routine: The government each month issues a controversial order. The order creates a political storm. The government ignores political protestation and issues another contentious order and moves debate in a different direction.

On August 17, Chief Electoral Officer of Jammu and Kashmir Hirsh Kumar said after the abrogation of Article 370 every citizen of the country who stayed ordinarily in J&K, for labour work, education, and business purpose, can register as a voter in J&K and cast vote in the next assembly elections. Kumar said he expects an increase of 20 Lakh to 25 lakh voters after the completion of the special summary revision of the electoral rolls whose final announcement will be made on November 25, 2022.

The announcement created a political ruckus in J&K and despite the government issuing different orders like increasing the rent of Waqaf properties and the police raiding different places, the debate around the CEO’s statement of adding 25 lakh continues.

According to the schedule, Integrated Draft Electoral Roll would be published by all Electoral Registration Officers on September 15, 2022. The time between September 15 and October 25 has been earmarked for filing claims and objections and all disposals in this regard will be completed by November 10.

Checking of health parameters and obtaining the Commission’s permission for final publication, updating the database, and printing of supplements is to be done by November 19, 2022. The final electoral roll would be published on November 25. The CEO’s announcement gave a clear indication that anyone who lives in Jammu and Kashmir ordinarily can now avail of the opportunity to get enlisted as a voter making domicile certificates redundant.

Kumar says the decision was taken in accordance with the provisions of Representation of the Peoples Act 1951 – an Act to provide for the conduct of elections to the Houses of Parliament and to the House or Houses of the Legislature of each State.

After the announcement, all regional political parties, including those who are seen as close to the BJP opposed the move and called it "dangerous". On August 22, Dr. Farooq Abdullah chaired the All Parties Meeting to oppose the government's move to grant voting rights to outsiders in Jammu and Kashmir. Sajad Lone-led People's Conference and Altaf Bukhari-led Apni Party stayed away from the meeting.

With leaders from Congress, CPI(M), People’s Democratic Party, and Shiv Sena, sitting beside him, Dr. Abdullah after the All Parties Meeting said the new move to provide voting rights to outsiders in Jammu and Kashmir would make a lot of people vulnerable in Jammu and Kashmir.

 

“We have expressed concern over the recent killings whether of Kashmiri pandits, outside labourers, Kashmiri Muslims, policemen or Army personnel,” Dr Abdullah said. “We have apprehensions that they (outsiders) would be attacked. They should carefully take decisions. I called Lt Governor (Manoj Sinha) a few days ago and asked him to call the All Parties Meeting. Previously, he had called a meeting about Shri Amarnath Yatra and we all went. This time I requested him to call all political parties for a meeting. But there was no response to my request from Lt Governor,” Dr. Abdullah said.

Dr. Abdullah said they called the All Parties Meeting and a similar such meeting will be held in Jammu. “We will make people aware of what the government is planning to do. We are going to the Court also. We are thinking on all kinds of avenues,” he added. Dr Abdullah asked why only Jammu and Kashmir have been chosen for giving voting rights to outsiders.  He said there are differences of opinion within political parties but on this issue, they will fight it together.

Shiv Sena leader Manish Sawhney said their demand is in sync with other parties of J&K as they are opposing giving voting rights to outsiders. “Repeatedly people of Jammu and Kashmir are being stabbed in the back. First, the government removed the permanent resident certificate and asked everyone to get a domicile. Now that people after remaining in long queues have got domicile certificates, they are now being asked that outsiders are now eligible to vote in Jammu and Kashmir.”

On August 5, 2019, the Centre amid siege, lockdown, and arrests of nearly 8000 persons, abrogated Article 370 and Article 35A of the Constitution, bifurcated and downgraded J&K into two Union Territories, J&K and Ladakh.  While the government extended and adapted around 800 state and central laws to J&K, it hasn’t extended a single law to the UT of Ladakh.

Under Article 370 Jammu and Kashmir including Ladakh had a separate constitution called the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir and also Article 35A was prohibiting people from outside from buying property in Jammu and Kashmir and ensuring job reservations for residents and voting rights to J&K citizens only. Article 35A would empower the Government of J&K to define a class of persons as constituting “permanent residents” of the erstwhile State. Also, it would allow the government to confer on these persons’ special rights and privileges with respect to matters of public employment and acquisition of immovable property in the State.

Later on March 31, 2020, the government discarded the permanent resident clause and replaced it with domicile law. Under the law, the domiciles have been defined as those who have resided for a period of 15 years in the Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir or have studied for a period of seven years and appeared in Class 10th, 12th examination in an educational institution located in J&K. The domicile law has no time bar indicating anyone appearing in class 10th or 12th in any period of time since 1947 is eligible for the domicile.

The government has made it mandatory for every citizen of the erstwhile State of J&K to secure a domicile certificate though they possess mandatory State subject certificates and thus equate them with the new domiciles.  Now in the case of voting rights domicile has been discarded with “ordinarily living in J&K.”

The BJP says those who are ordinarily living in J&K whether they are for services like in case armed forces or business or education or labour, can exercise their right provided they delete their electoral roll in their native place.  The BJP says the regional parties are playing politics over it.

The political parties fear if the 25 lakh outsiders or those ordinarily living in J&K get enrolled in the voting list, they will change the voter demography of the region forever. Though the BJP says the number of people ordinarily living in J&K is not far higher and the political parties are not realising the definition of ordinary residents, political parties fear the current BJP government is capable of adding 25 lakh voters from outside to J&K.

‘Ordinarily Living’ voters, if it would mean anyone coming to Kashmir for 15 days can register here, vote, and leave. So in a gap of five years, he will keep electing governments in different states. So are you creating a bogey of 25 lakh voters to influence elections across India,” says the PDP leader Mohit Bhan. For long regional political parties have been talking about the dangers of demographic change in J&K. Now it looks real.

Sajad Lone says: “We will not protest before the current administration. We know the current administration in Delhi or in Srinagar doesn't hold the political parties of J&K in very high esteem. In fact, they display contempt and disdain for them.”

“We think the final test is on October 1 when it (the summary revision) will be out. We don’t think the law is a threat to us but we are scared of those implementing the law. We will wait to see what they will do. If they did it (including 25 lakh outsiders as voters) we will sit on hunger strike in front of India. This war cannot be fought here. We will wait till October 1,” Lone says. 

By Naseer Ganai in Srinagar

(Ref: Outlook magazine, Sept 11, 2022)

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Death of A Judge

Justice Anup Deb: Did he commit suicide or was he murdered?

Justice Anup Deb

   More than a decade after his sudden demise the mystery of Justice Anup Deb’s death refuses to fade away, at least among those who were close to him.

   He was a Judge and I a journalist but what bound us together for more than two decades was our friendship nurtured down the years through turbulent times. When I got a call from someone early morning on March 14, 2002 I rushed to Justice Debs’ official residence at Balwuakhani in Gangtok only to find out that he was no more. The official version of Justice Deb’s death was that he hung himself in his official residence in the night of March 13.     

   Justice Deb was a strong and determined person and those, like myself, who knew him from close range found it very difficult to believe that he had committed suicide.

   “Unable to bear his prolonged illness, sitting High Court Judge Justice Anup Deb committed suicide,” a national daily reported. It added “…an ailing Justice Deb (59) hanged himself in the bedroom of his official residence here shortly after midnight leaving a suicide note stating "I cannot bear my illness anymore."

   However, Deb’s personal physician Dr. K. Bhandari of Sir Thutob Namgyal Memorial Hospital (STNM) said he was not suffering from any terminal or serious diseases. It is the first time in India’s history that a sitting Judge commits suicide, reported Sikkim Express.

   My own English weekly, Sikkim Observer, which many times reported on Justice Deb’s pronouncements in the court, was out of print during this period and failed to carry anything on his death. I hope this piece will to some extent do justice to the departed soul and compensate for my failure to carry anything on circumstances surrounding his tragic death which still remain shrouded in mystery.

    Deb was elevated to the rank of a Judge of the Sikkim High Court from the State Advocate General's post in 1994. He was transferred to the Agartala bench of the Gauhati High Court in February 1995 and then moved to the Orissa High Court in March 1996 before returning to Sikkim High Court in December 1997. During his tenure in the Sikkim High Court he also held the post of Acting Chief Justice for some time.

   “Don’t meditate too much. Look after your family,” were his last words to me and my wife when we went to see him and his wife at his Gangtok residence. He was in a good mood and we had a good time. That was, I think, the last time we met. Most of the time Justice Deb lived alone in his residence while his wife and children resided in neighbouring Siliguri, his home town.

    Since the Chamling Government slapped two cases on me regarding my press and residence in early 2001 and since Justice Deb was hearing these cases I made it a point not to be around him. But by early 2002 I learnt that he was not his normal self. During this period he once told me that he had information from the Union Home Ministry that his life was in danger. He used to often seek divinations for even traveling to Siliguri and Delhi. Lots of pujas were also performed for his safety and security. At times he was quite paranoid about his personal safety. “Some people think I’m running a parallel government!,” Deb used to tell me at times and then burst into laughter. Indeed, some of his observations and verdicts in the court made the administration sit up and take note.

   Realising that he was not keeping well I made it a point to see him and personally find out what was troubling him. I had some paper works to do at the High Court on March 13 which took some time. It was then I decided to go and see him in his office at the High Court premises. He was not there and I was told he was with Chief Justice R. Dayal in his office. I waited for sometime and left a word in his office that I had come to see him.

    I was expecting a call from him in the afternoon or evening of the same day.  Justice Deb usually calls me to his residence whenever I wanted to see him or the vice-versa. We normally chat over a cup of tea and snacks prepared by his cook. But this time there was no calls from him and early the next day I get a call saying he is no more.

    My first encounter with Justice Deb was way back in the winter of 1983. I was just fresh out of college and into journalism. What brought us together was a writ petition filed in the Supreme Court on seats reserved for Sikkim’s indigenous Bhutia-Lepchas (BLs) in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly by Ram Chandra Poudyal, then perhaps the most popular and articulate leader of the Nepalese community in Sikkim.

   In his writ petition, Poudyal, a former minister in the Kazi Cabinet (1974-1979), sought to do away with 12 Assembly seats reserved for the Bhutia-Lepchas and 1 for the Sangha, representing Buddhist monasteries in Sikkim. Deb, who was then the Additional Advocate General of Sikkim, sought my help to defend the case on historical ground. He said we would lose the case if we depended solely on legal and constitutional grounds. I took leave from Eastern Express, where I was working, and prepared the papers to defend the 13 reserved seats of the BLs and Sangha in the Supreme Court.

   When the case came up for hearing in early 1984 before the Supreme Court Poudyal was asked to “withdraw” his petition. The five-judge constitution bench headed by Supreme Court Chief Justice, Justice YB Chandrachud, which took note of the historical background on Assembly seat reservation for the minority indigenous communities in Sikkim, was in our favour. However, Poudyal tactfully delayed hearing of the petition for several years and when it did come up for hearing in early 1993 we won the case.

   “The inequalities in representation in the present case are an inheritance and compulsion from the past. Historical considerations have justified a differential treatment,” read the verdict of the apex court. These were the same observations made by the apex court in February 1984.  If Justice Deb had not advised us to depend on our history to defend our case we may have lost our battle in the apex court and that would have been disastrous for Sikkim.

   When we finally won the case in 1993 it was my privilege to have Justice Deb, Sonam P. Wangdi, now Judge of Sikkim High Court, then a Sikkimese lawyer who was once Deb’s junior, and my friend Chewang Tobgay, who represented Sikkim Tribal Welfare Association (STWA) in the case as an intervening party, at my residence at Deorali for lunch. It was time to celebrate for our victory. Former Home Secretary, Late Jigdal T. Densapa, who was a part of our team representing the State Government, was the only person missing from the table.

   I was the last person to place a khada on Deb when his body was placed in the crematorium on the banks of Mahananda River in Siliguri during the funeral. I vividly recollect what came to my mind when I first passed the Mahananda bridge, located near the cremation place, after Deb’s death.  As I looked over the bridge across to where the last remains of Justice Deb’s body were turned into ashes and then immersed into the river these words from the man whom I loved and respected flashed through my head: “Don’t look back. Look forward. I did my job. Now you do yours.” Was he referring to the Assembly seat issue? I often wonder about this but have no answers. However, I know that our mission on Assembly seat issue for both the Bhutia-Lepchas and Sikkimese Nepalese is still unfinished. Whenever I pass through that bridge I look over to the same spot and whisper some prayers for the one who is now no more but who still lives in my memory.

   Did Deb really commit suicide or did someone hang him? During the tragic incident, Deb’s younger brother, Goutam Deb, now Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s troubleshooter in Darjeeling and also North Bengal Development Minister, was heard uttering these words in front of Justice Dayal and other officials: “Cold blooded murder.”    

   The Sikkim unit of the Congress party’s demand for a CBI probe into the incident went unheeded. The fact that one of Deb’s prominent friends in college was senior Congress leader Pranab Mukherjee – now India’s President – did not evoke much response from the authorities. Former Chief Minister NB Bhandari also doubted the suicide claim of the government.

   Years later, a highly-placed Sikkimese civil servant close to Deb who has now retired, told me that the former Acting Chief Justice of Sikkim High Court did not commit suicide but was forcefully hung in his toilet. To prove his point he said there was no probe into the incident and the policeman who was guarding Justice Deb’s residence during that period died mysteriously one month after the tragic incident. The constable’s wife also committed suicide shortly after her husband’s death. Reportedly, the couple hung themselves.

    No matter how Justice Deb may have met his end I strongly believe that it was the system that thrives on lies, deceit and corruption that put an abrupt end to his life.

 

(Ref: Talk Sikkim, October 2013.)   

 

           LIVING IN SELF-IMPOSED EXILE IN MY OWN HOMELAND     

             “Only dead fish go with the flow”

The Press Club of Sikkim conferred the “Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar 2012” award to journalist-cum-writer Jigme N Kazi at a function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012. The following is the full text of Kazi’s acceptance speech:

  

(L to R) IPR Secretary KS Tobgay, Chief Guest CK Shrestha, Sikkim Observer Editor Jigme N Kazi, Press Club Advisor CD Rai, Press Club General Secretary Joseph Lepcha and Press Club President Bhim Rawat at the Press Club of Sikkim function in Gangtok on July 17, 2012.

 

   Hon’ble Chief Guest, Secretary IPR, Press Club Advisor, Press Club President, distinguished guests and friends,

   On Receiving the Award: I feel very privileged to be here today to receive the Khangchendzonga Kalam Puraskar award from the Press Club of Sikkim on its decadal foundation year. I am told by the Press Club that it had “unanimously decided” to confer this award for my “outstanding contribution and dedication” made during the last three decades (1983-2012) in the field of journalism.

   I believe that by conferring this award to this long-time black-listed man, who is forced to live in self-imposed exile in his own homeland, the Press in Sikkim is sending a clear message to those who care to listen. And that message is loud and clear: the Press in Sikkim wants to be more free and independent and those in power and the people at large should take note of it and respect its stand.

   I enjoy doing what I do – be it eating, taking a walk or writing. I seek no reward and recognition in doing these things even if what I do benefits those around me.

   People often criticize me of being stubborn and always swimming against the tide. Let me remind them of what US vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin said: “Only dead fish go with the flow.” Living with walking corpses all these years has been a very painful experience. It is better to be exiled in foreign shores than having to undergo constant suffocation at home. However, if this is the cross that I was born to bare then I must live with it whether I like it or not.

   Yes, we have more journalists and more newspapers today than when I started in this profession 30 years back. But I’m not too sure whether we are more free, objective and independent in our reporting. What is more important in life is quality, not quantity, and this also applies to the Fourth Estate, particularly when so many people depend and look up to the Press to make the right decision.

   Sikkimese Society: If we cannot uphold certain basic and fundamental values of human existence such as freedom, democracy, justice, self-respect and the rule of law we miss the opportunity that life offers to each one of us. The first indication of a society’s degeneration is when individuals live and work only for themselves. Sikkim is on the verge of being a dead and decadent society. Our constant efforts to camouflage ourselves will not work in the long run. We will be fully exposed when the time comes.

   We locals often distance ourselves from the byaparis, the business community, for encroaching into our economic and political rights and interests. Little do we realize that while they sell potatoes, tomatoes etc. we are the real byaparis. We have sold our king, our flag, our country, our distinct identity and political rights. Not content with this we are still selling our hills and valleys, our lakes and rivers, our land and people, our religion and culture, and worse of all our self-respect and dignity. Is it really worth sweating it out for such people?

   Sikkim Politics: Me and my kind have lived through this bitter period in Sikkim’s history. In our efforts to fight for the common cause we have brought down five chief ministers and made four chief ministers in the past so many years.  We did this for a good cause and without any selfish motive. We are not to be blamed if our political leadership continuously fails us and lets us down the moment they come to power.

   I took leave from the Fourth Estate at the end of the year 2000 to make my personal contribution to Sikkim politics when I was convinced that those we backed were betraying us and the issues we raised for petty considerations. Unlike many others, I could not hang around and hide myself safe and secure in a small corner when I was convinced that we were being led to a dead-end street. I left active politics after three and half years in August 2004 when I was fully convinced that I was heading nowhere and those around me were still deeply involved in petty politics. There is no future for Sikkim and the Sikkimese if our political leadership – ruling and opposition – fails to rise above mundane things and continues to mislead the people while making great promises.

   It is futile to fight for the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union if the leaders of our larger community are not sure of who they are, whom they represent, and what they really want. Nepal’s political situation, where ethnic communities are being reduced to a minority in the land of their origin, has still not opened our eyes. This is because while our head is still not clear our heart is full of greed. When will we ever live in a place where the mind is without fear and the head is held high? When will this non-stop looting stop? Corruption has reached a point of no return. Disillusionment has set in and this seems to be irreversible. These are dangerous trends in a sensitive and strategic border State like Sikkim.

   India’s Role in Sikkim: Even if our political leadership has failed us time and again, India must live up to the expectations of the Sikkimese people. If it continues to ignore the hopes and aspirations of those who sacrificed their country so that this nation may live in peace and security there may come a day when Sikkim will become a hot-bed of international politics. We may not see that day but that day is not afar if India fails to honour its commitments made to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people during the takeover.

   The gradual dilution of our distinct identity, political rights and social harmony originates from New Delhi. The erosion of our unique and distinct cultural identity, the systematic manner in which seeds of division are sown in our social fabric, and finally the destruction caused to our fragile environment and ecology cannot and must not be easily condoned. We cannot blame our leaders only; we, too, have shamelessly become agents of division, disunity and destruction. We have sown the wind; we will surely reap the whirlwind.

   Hope and Gratitude: I’m grateful to the Press Club of Sikkim for recognizing my work and honouring me on this very special day. This is the time and the moment to renew our pledge for a strong, united, free and independent Press in the State.

   On this special day I want to remember those who have helped me in my three-decade-long career. Some of them are late Chukie Tobden, Suresh Pramar, Devraj Ranjit, Tenzing Chewang and Pema Wangchuk. I also owe a deep sense of gratitude to the Chamling Government and to those who worked or in any way associated with my printing press and publications.

   Living the way I did is a risky business and I want to say how happy and grateful I am to my wife Tsering, her parents,  and my four kids – Tashi, Yangchen, Sonam and Kunga – for letting me live my life freely and dangerously for so long.

   I hope my endeavours will light up your path and help you to bear the burden of being free and independent in a hostile climate in the days and years to come. My message to you on this day comes from Rev. Jesse Jackson: “Stand up, don’t bow! Stand up, don’t bow!”

   On Myself: French Emperor Napoleon Bonarpate (1769-1821) once said: “There are only two forces in the world, the sword and the spirit. In the long run the sword will always be conquered by the spirit.”

   I have already said “I have accepted the death of my dreams” a few years back and I stand by it.

   However, I have filed my petition in the court of Khangchendzonga, Sikkim’s Guardian Deity, to seek justice – for Sikkim, the Sikkimese people and for myself. I am still patiently waiting for the verdict. That this award should come at this time and in the name of our Presiding Deity is not only very auspicious but meaningful as well.

   Thank you all, both for this wonderful award and your determination to preserve the integrity, independence and freedom of the Press in Sikkim.

 

 (Full text published in Sikkim Observer, July 21, 2012)

 

Mount Hermon through the ages

Mount Hermon School, Darjeeling, overlooking Kanchenjunga.

This book is a Tribute not only to our great Founders, Principals, Teachers, Students and Others, it is also a Tribute to all Hermonites of all ages who have lived, died and hoped so that MH lives on to reach greater heights.

   Bijay Palriwala, a Hermonite of the Stewart-era from UK who started the ‘MH Revival’ movement in 2011, died in November 2019. This book is a Tribute to Hermonites such as Bijay. I wrote this in Facebook when Bijay passed away: “Bijay’s efforts and hopes will not die in vain. May he rest in peace.” Bijay’s advice to us was: “Only combined, sustained effort can hope to improve the situation so I am hoping that others will join in the effort!” Hail Mt. Hermon!

Knowles 

  The vision and determination of our school’s Founder, Miss Emma Knowles, and her deputy, Miss C.J. Stahl, led to the founding of Queen’s Hill School soon after the 1899 disaster in a new location just above the main road near the Darjeeling railway station in the town area. Miss Stahl deserves our gratitude. She was in Arcadia, Queen’s Hill School, and even lived at the present campus when the school was opened in 1926. She retired as Principal during the period when the school was renamed Mount Hermon School in 1930.

 Though he was never our Principal, Bishop Fisher is considered one of our Founders for he was chiefly responsible for the purchase of the present Mount Hermon Estate, where MH is located. The school was growing and needed more space for expansion. The Estate had around 100 acres in North Point facing Sikkim’s mighty Kanchenjunga (Khangchendzonga), the third highest mountain in the world, and the Rangeet valley.

  Not many people are aware of the role played by one of our Principals in helping MH sail through stormy times. I’m referring to our Principal Lila Enberg who in the mid-thirties restored a major portion of our main building after the devastating earthquake of January 15, 1934. As a reward the Managing Committee of our school failed to renew her tenure after her term came to an end in 1934! They wanted to get rid of her.

Stahl

   Mt. Hermon (MH) went through a very difficult period in the early 1940s. Because of the Second World War many students and staff from Britain left the school. The future of the mission also seemed uncertain. The enrolment of the school dropped to 120 and the school nearly closed down in 1943.

  But somehow Rev. H.  Dewey, the school Principal, kept the school going. Mt. Hermon actually grew in size and substance when Rev. David G. Stewart of the New Zealand and Chinese Inland Mission (now renamed Overseas Missionary Fellowship) took over the school in 1954.

Fisher

  When Stewart took over the school, the enrolment of the school was less than 100 but over the years more students came to study in Mt. Hermon and by the time he left in 1964 the strength of the school had shot up to 365. During the Murray-era (1964-1978), Mt. Hermon became one of the most distinguished co-educational schools in the country.

Of the total of 639 students in 1978, 470 were boarders. MH distinguished itself in both academic and co-curricular activities. Mrs. Murray’s contribution added to the school’s rich musical heritage. Rev. William Jones and Rev. John A. Johnston built on the foundation laid by their predecessors.

Dewey

  As with many great institutions, MH is going through a difficult period today. The absence of dedicated teachers and the departure of many of its old staff members, particularly those from abroad, coupled with frequent changes in the leadership, have been the main reasons why the school is going through another crisis.

  But most Hermonites and well-wishers of the school, who are conscious of the school’s long history and its inherent ability to overcome difficulties, believe that this is just a passing phase and sooner or later it will pull through. The need for schools such as MH is greater now than it was a hundred and twenty five years back. Perhaps it is at times such as these that we ought to remind ourselves of the need to press on and remember Mrs. Fisher’s advice: “It is better to light a candle than curse the darkness.”

Former Principals: Stewarts, Murrays, Johnstons and Gardners during Mount Hermon School's Centenary Celebrations in Darjeeling, 1995.

About the Author

Jigme N. Kazi has a special place in Mount Hermon School, Darjeeling. He not only studied in Mount Hermon School (1963-1972), but graduated from Mt. Hermon School's Teachers' Training College (TTC, 1974-1975). He taught at Mt. Hermon School for four years from 1976 to 1979. During his 16 years in the school (1963-1979) he worked under some of the finest principals and teachers of Mt. Hermon School.

   After he left Mt. Hermon School at the end of 1979, Jigme N. Kazi kept a live interest in his alma mater and the Hermonites (alumni of the school), leading to the founding of Hermonites International in 2005 with himself as its Founder-President. He is presently Chairman Emeritus of the global body, which takes an active interest in school affairs.

   A journalist by profession, Jigme N. Kazi is the proprietor-editor of Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian. He is also the author of four books on Sikkim: Inside Sikkim: Against The Tide (1993), Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union (2009), The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland (2014), and Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim (2020).

 

 

 

 

STAND UP AND FIGHT!

“Sikkim’s identity was a cause

   B.S. Das, former Chief Executive of Sikkim, while paying tribute to the Chogyal in his book, “The Sikkim Saga”, said: “A lone and forgotten man who lost his kingdom, his wife and everything that he stood for, stuck to his Palace, his people, his Sikkim till be breathed his last. Unbending in his misfortunes, he dreamt of someone, someday appreciating the righteousness of his cause and placing him in history as a true nationalist who fought single-handed against all odds for what he believed in. His silvery grey hair and the small wrinkles on the face alone spoke of the strain of the past years but they made him look even handsomer than he was.

   The so-called friends deserted him as is the way with the world. Yet, he showed no rancour, no bitterness and held his head high. To leave his people and Sikkim was totally unacceptable to him. He still called his abode “The Palace” and himself “Thondup of Sikkim”. Many of his old subjects paid homage to him during his lifetime and on his death. In his solitude, he reflected on his past mistakes but had no regrets. Because, the pride in himself and for Sikkim were the only reasons he lived.”

    Das concluded: “As a person, I hold Palden Thondup Namgyal in great esteem. I have met few personalities in my long career who could stand up and fight for a cause. For him, more than his personal gains, Sikkim’s identity was a cause. That he fought using all means available to him does credit to him. His battle was one sided and against all odds. That did not deter him as it was a question of his faith and in the righteousness of his cause.”

(Ref: Sons of Sikkim: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications and Notion Press, 2020.)