Wednesday, November 9, 2022
Tuesday, September 27, 2022
10th
Anniversary of Sikkim ‘Press Freedom Day’
Keynote
address by Jigme N. Kazi, President, Sikkim Federation of Working Journalists
(SFWJ), State unit of Indian Federation of Working Journalists (IFWJ), on
the occasion of the 1st Sikkim Press Freedom Day function organized by SFWJ in
Gangtok on June 19, 2010.
(I want to share and place on record of what I said
and what we did many years back on issues that are so vitally important to
humanity)
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“In May 1789, Louis XVI summoned to
Versailles a full meeting of the ‘Estates General’.
The First Estate
consisted of three hundred nobles. The Second Estate, three hundred clergy.
The Third Estate, six
hundred commoners. Some years later, after the French Revolution, Edmund Burke,
looking up at the Press Gallery of the House of Commons, said, “Yonder sits the
Fourth Estate, and they are more important than them all.” (Jeffrey Archer in
“The Fourth Estate”
Sikkim Press Freedom Day, June 19, 2010. |
Respected Chief Guest, Secretary IPR,
President, Press Club of Sikkim, distinguished guests, members of the Fourth
Estate, and my colleagues in the Sikkim Federation of Working Journalists.
It is our privilege and honour to have the
former Chief Minister of Sikkim, Mr. B.B. Gooroong, who was not only the Press
Advisor to the Chief Minister but was also a journalist once upon a time.
When members of the local media held a
protest rally to voice their concern for protection of Press Freedom in
Gangtok seventeen years ago on June 19,
1993, Mr. Gooroong came all the way down to the Paljor Stadium where we held
the rally and congratulated us and gave us his support.
Sir, you have honoured us once again and
touched our hearts by being here amidst your very hectic schedule.
If 17 years is a long time to remember what
we did on this day on that day and honour those valiant journalists who risked
everything to raise their voice against suppression of the freedom of press
then I believe that even after 50 years the Fourth Estate in Sikkim will
remember with pride and look back on this day and what we did here today.
By being here today to mark the 1st Sikkim
Press Freedom Day celebrations we are
not just honouring those who took part in the Press Freedom Rally on June 19,
1993, we are also, once again, making our stand clear on issues and principles
that guide and govern the Fourth Estate all over the world.
Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding
fathers of America, once said: “If it were left to me to decide whether we
should have a government without a free press or a free press without a
government, I would prefer the latter.”
Who wouldn’t, particularly when that
government is bent on suppression of free expression, particularly of Press Freedom?
Lets face it: the Press and the government are natural adversaries. Each has
its own unique role in society.
What is freedom without a free Press? And
what is the Press without freedom? To be more precise; what is democracy
without freedom, particularly Press freedom? Pansy Takula, one of the advocates
of Press freedom and Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to
Information of the African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights, recently
said,
“We have reached the point where I think we
need constructive dialogue with the government of this country, where maybe my
office, together with media practitioners and media organizations and
governments, can sit around a table and try and find each other.”
She added, “Free press, in particular, and
freedom of expression, in general (are) very important not only on the African
continent, but everywhere else in the world because without free press you
cannot have democracy. You cannot have
good governance. You cannot have the
rule of law. You know, the media act as
a watch dog against those who are in power.”
Press Rally in Gangtok, June 19, 1993. |
In Asia, in India and in Sikkim it is time
that we, the media and the authorities, sit together, sort out our differences
and respect each other’s role in a free and democratic set-up. When the annual
World Press Freedom Day, a date to celebrate the fundamental principles of
press freedom and to pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in
the line of duty, was observed in May 3 last month (2010), the Fourth Estate
dedicated this year’s World Press Freedom Day to the “right to know”: the right
of all people, including journalists, to have access to information held by
governments and other public bodies.
The right to know is the right to ask
questions to public institutions and their obligation to reply. The right to
know is essential for the media and the public to enjoy true freedom of
expression, protected by Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights since it was adopted in 1948.
My paper, the Sikkim Observer, still
has a column called “People Want to Know, People Have a Right to Know.” We must
all make our own contribution towards Press Freedom no matter what kind of
adverse situations we may face.
We must believe that in a democratic system
the people are sovereign. The slogan, janta
rajma jantai raja, must be put into practice if we are sincere in what we
profess. In a true democracy the role of
the government is to serve the people and the people have the right to know and
question what is done on their behalf.
There was an emotional ceremony at the White
House recently when President Obama welcomed slain journalist Daniel Pearl’s
surviving family members to witness the signing of the Daniel Pearl Freedom of
the Press Act. Pearl, a reporter for the Wall Street Journal, was
brutally murdered in Pakistan as he was following up some leads on al-Qaeda in
early 2002. Four Pakistanis were convicted in Pearl’s murder in July of that
year. According to the New York Times, the Freedom of the Press Act
“requires the State Department to expand its scrutiny of news media
restrictions and intimidation as part of its annual review of human rights in
each country. Among other considerations, the department will be required to
determine whether foreign governments participate in or condone violations of
press freedom.”
On this special day I would like to recall
and place on record on what I said on June 19, 1993 during the Press Freedom
rally held in Gangtok:
My message was simple and direct: “Today,
we are here to lodge a symbolic protest. But if our voice is not heard and if
the suppression of the freedom of the Press still continues despite the stand
that we have taken here today, we must not be content with mere symbolism. Me
must raise a voice in every village and town in this State. We must raise our
voice in Mangan, in Geyzing, and in Namchi (headquarters of the three other
district of Sikkim), and if need be, in Delhi, Calcutta, Madras and Bombay. We
must also raise our voice in the Assembly and in the Parliament, and if need
be, in other international Press forum as well. We must continue to press on
until ten thousand conscious citizens in Sikkim come together and raise their
voice and rally support for Freedom of the Press in Sikkim.”
Three days after our rally thousands of
pro-democracy supporters led by Sikkim Democratic Front stormed the capital on
June 22. Within less than eleven months after the rally the repressive regime
in Sikkim was toppled leading to formation of a new government after the
November Assembly elections in 1994.
The local Press played a notable role in
restoration of freedom, democracy, justice and rule of law in the people’s
struggle for change in Sikkim.
It is, therefore, fitting and proper that
we should remember and honour those who stood their ground in times of crisis
while others faltered.
I want to thank my colleagues in the Sikkim
Federation of Working Journalists and other members of the Fourth Estate for
arranging this function and giving a helping hand to preserve and protect Press
freedom in Sikkim.
My final message to you comes from the words
of President John F. Kennedy who said:
“Let every nation know, whether it wishes
us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any
hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival
and the success of liberty.”
Thursday, September 15, 2022
Lest We Forget
LACHEN PIPON CHO LEDON
How to Light a Fire
Jhowo Ledon and wife Chum Lhanzay
It is in the fitness of things
to begin my first step in my new venture in my Facebook group – Lest We Forget –
with my late grandfather, Jhowo Ledon Nima Gyatso of Lachen, North Sikkim.
Though he passed away more than six decades ago in the late 1950s he is still
near and dear to me.
When he passed away (perhaps in
1956-58) he left behind his wife, Chum Lhanzay, daughter Chum Phigu, his
son-in-law Yap Rinzing Namgyal Kazi, and two grandsons, my late brother Tenzing
Danen and myself. I don’t think my younger brother, Gyamtso Namgyal, was born
at that time. Through his two daughters, Chum Yangchen (my mother) and Chum
Phigu, Jhowo Ledon and Chum Lhanzay had four grandchildren: my late brother,
Gyamtso, my sister, Kesang Dolma, and myself.
Somewhere in my writings I have
mentioned about the three persons who shaped my life and had the greatest
influence on me: Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, my school Principal, Graeme
Armstrong Murray, and my Lachen grandfather. I still believe this to be true.
They taught me the value of honour, courage, integrity and dignity.
Lachen Pipon Jhowo Ledon |
I must have been around 5-6 years
when he left us but the few moments that I had with him were enough for me to
realize that he was a special person. He was of medium height but his character
and personality commanded dignified composure. He stood out among the
rest. To me he was integrity
personified.
After his father, Jhowo Bompo,
who once led the Sikkim delegation in the Dalai Lama’s court in Lhasa, died my
grandfather naturally stepped into his shoes. As the Lachen Pipon he was
immensely respected and at the same time feared by the people. He was just,
fair and a disciplined person. My Azyo belonged to the influential Ngyamdako
clan in Lachen. The annual village Chodrok puja traditionally began with
the lamas spread among the four Ngyamdako families – Jhowo Bompo, Jhowo Phintso
Tashi, Jhowo Limak and ours.
Pipons are elected by the
Dzumsa, the traditional assembly of the people. The system used to be conducted
in a most dignified and democratic manner, where public participation in all
spheres of life was maximum. I have personally proudly witnessed my Azyo
conduct the Dzumsa meetings with discipline and dignity.
Two highly-placed personalities
visited Lachen during his tenure as Pipon: Jamyang Khyentse Chokyi Lodro,
perhaps the most outstanding Tibetan spiritual masters of the 20th
century, and Sikkim’s Dewan (Prime Minister), Nari Rustomji. While studying law
in Bombay in early 1980s, Rustomji opened up his small archive room and to my
great delight and surprise I found a small black and white photo of his visit
to Lachen in 1956-57. My grandfather and my late maternal uncle, Azyang Kunga
Rinchen, are seen in the photograph along with Rustomji and others. I still
have this original photo with me and over the years I made some copies and
distributed among my close relatives in Lachen.
Azyo taught me one very
important thing which I often remember – and that is how to light a fire. This
took place in our kitchen, where we have a huge fireplace (chulha) made
of clay. He was patiently watching me trying to light the fire at the thap
(chulha) from his seat on the denthi (tradition wooden sofa).
When I failed he came down from his seat and taught me how to light the fire. “Dhae-membae.”
(not like that), he said and then gently took out all the firewood that I had
stuffed in and then rearranged them in such a way that there was enough space
for the oxygen to get in. And when everything was done he lit the fire. I was
amazed.
Life is all about lighting
fire, particularly when there is darkness all around. A few years after Azyo’s passing away I was
in another world, at Darjeeling’s Mount Hermon School, where I later learnt
that “It is better to light a candle than curse the darkness.”
Tuesday, September 13, 2022
Remembering Nari Rustomji
“I feel at home with the tribals”
May 16 was Meghalaya’s first chief
secretary Nari K Rustomji’s birth anniversary. Glenn C Kharkongor recalls his
contribution to the Northeast
NARI K Rustomji studied classical Latin and Greek, was
secretary of the Musical Society and played the piano and violin at Cambridge
University. Such a background would be considered unusual for a bureaucrat
today. Perhaps it was these sensibilities that made Rustomji one of the most
endearing political administrators of his era and his affection for the tribals
of Northeast India is legendary.
This week
is the 94th birth anniversary of the first chief secretary of Meghalaya, who
died a decade ago.
The Northeast has all but forgotten this remarkable bureaucrat, whose grasp of geopolitical matters and understanding of tribal cultures made him one of the most sympathetic and understanding administrators of the Northeast in the transition to and in the early post-Independence era. He and Verrier Elwin were often described as romantics. They were close friends and Rustomji in fact, edited a volume of Elwin’s selected writings. Their advice was relied upon greatly by Nehru and resulted in a policy for the Northeast that has been described as Nehruvian humanistic paternalism. Sadly, that benevolent policy has lapsed and has been replaced with a chaotic and befuddled mindset in Delhi, which results in cultural aggression and headlong underdevelopment, characterized by insensitivity and greed.
Rustomji
was influenced greatly by Plato and Socrates, and intended to become a school
teacher, but was persuaded by his teachers to apply for the ICS. It was during
World War II, and at the interview he was asked about his contribution to the
war effort. At the time he was a member of the Royal Observer Corps, keeping a
tally of enemy planes that flew overhead. When he mentioned that he was a plane
spotter, the examiners inquired how many planes he had spotted the previous
week. His reply was a solemn “I’m sorry sir, that’s top secret”. There was an
amused murmur of approval among the greybeards and he felt that he had clinched
the appointment.
At the end
of his ICS probationary training in Dehra Dun, Nari K Rustomji was assigned to
Assam, which he accepted whole-heartedly.
One of the main reasons for this enthusiasm was Assam’s proximity to
Sikkim and Bhutan. He had been introduced to these countries, India’s
neighbours in the Northeast, by his friendship with the crown prince of Sikkim,
Thondup Namgyal and his cousin, the prince of Bhutan, Jigme Dorji who were
probationers along with him in 1942. These lifelong friendships were cemented
during Rustomji’s posting as Dewan of Sikkim from 1954-59 and when he was
appointed as Adviser to the Government of Bhutan in 1963.
Rustomji
spent most of his career in the Northeast, spanning from his first appointment
as district publicity organiser in Sylhet during the Second World War, a kind
of propaganda post to develop and deliver positive messages to the public in
favour of the Allies, to being the first chief secretary of Meghalaya in 1972.
In between he served in various administrative posts in Maulvibazar, Lakhimpur
and Dibrugarh. Perhaps the most noteworthy position that he had was adviser to
the Governor of Assam on tribal affairs, during which time he exerted
considerable influence on the formulation of policies for the hill areas.
He was
associated with the implementation of the early seven-year plans in Sikkim and
Bhutan. Significant in these development
efforts were a visionary intent to protect the environment and biodiversity of
the region and to protect the region from unwanted kinds of development. He was
also careful to ensure that cultural traditions and sensitivities were
protected in implementing the Plans.
Rustomji
was deeply drawn to the tribals of the region. In his book Enchanted
Frontiers, Rustomji says, “The people of the hills have had for me a
special pull. I feel utterly and completely at home with my (tribal) hosts. I
am at heart, very much a tribal myself. I share much of the bewilderment and
loss of identity of the tribal of today”. He learned the local language at
every posting and even wore indigenous costumes to work. Much of his scholarly
writing are on the anthropology and sociology of the tribes and these articles
have appeared in journals such as Himalayan Environment and Culture brought out
by the Indian Institute of Advanced Study.
As Dewan of
the Chogyal of Sikkim and adviser to the Government of Bhutan, he immersed
himself in the cultural milieu of those countries, learning the Sikkimese and
Bhutanese languages and wearing the local costumes. He would wear the Sikkimese
gown, the ko, even during his trips to Delhi. This led the foreign secretary to
comment wryly that while the Dewan might wear Sikkimese dress in Gangtok, he
failed to see the point of his wearing the gown in Delhi.
During the
governorship of Sri Prakasa, he played a pivotal role in obtaining the
accession to India of the maharajas of Manipur, Cooch Behar and Manipur. Though
varying amounts of duress were exerted in these efforts, Rustomji came out each
time with the respect of the maharaja.
On each occasion his services were requested as the first Chief
Commissioner of the accessed kingdom.
He had a
part in the negotiations with the Naga and Mizo tribals. He tried to convince
the Government that “right principles, rather than force of arms” was the right
policy. He spoke out against the tendency of officers to pontificate
patronizingly about “uplifting our tribal brethren”. Himself a Zoroastrian, he tried to convince
the tribals that they were free to practice the religion of their choice, by
arranging special broadcasts of Christian services on Sundays in English and in
the various Naga languages. He describes his poignant interaction with a Naga
prisoner, discussing letters that the prisoner had written about a cat who was
his sole companion in jail. He discussed
with General Shrinagesh about a sympathetic approach to the hearts and minds of
the tribal people. Sadly, they were not many in the political and military
establishment that shared his statesmanlike approach.
In 1951,
when he was stationed in Shillong as advisor to the Governor of Assam, Rustomji
got married to Hilla Master, daughter of Jal Ardeshir Master, chief conservator
of forests, Madras Presidency. They had met in Bombay the previous year; he was
31 and she was 23. Their daughter Tusna was born at Welsh Mission Hospital in
1952. Sadly, Hilla died of complications soon after. He married again in 1963
to Avi Dalal, someone the family had long known.
An
unfortunate outcome of Partition was the closure of trade between the Khasi
Hills and the contiguous areas of East Pakistan. Perishable oranges and betel
nut from the border plantations now had no outlet market and Rustomji approved
the request of the local traders for an airstrip in Shella, so that the produce
could be flown to Calcutta. Regrettably, this never happened.
As chief
secretary in the new state of Meghalaya, he determined to set up an efficient
administration, leading by example. Each morning he walked from his residence,
Lumpyngad, followed by a clerk, who dutifully took down notes on the way to the
Secretariat. He once visited a district headquarters unannounced and found the
deputy commissioner absent from his office. Rustomji sent for the absentee
officer, who on hearing that the chief secretary was around immediately
declared himself sick. Rustomji then sat in the DC’s chair and spent the day
disposing of pending files.
If you
Google his name and browse the internet, only snippets about Rustomji appear,
brief lines in a scholarly article or a blog. Most of what is available are
accounts in the five books he has written. In these idealistic, analytical and
balanced accounts, he carefully blends the history, culture and politics of
this complex region as a background for governance and administration.
Surely the
man deserves weightier evidence of his contribution to the Northeast. Indeed such an analysis would provide clues
to achieving better solutions to the continuing myriad problems of the
Northeast, many of which can be traced to the post-Independence era in which
misguided and heavy-handed policies were framed. The politicians and mandarins of today seem
to continue in the same vein. They should study Rustomji’s books.
(Ref: Shillong Times in 2013, and Parsi Khabar,
June 1, 2016.)
LEST WE FORGET
NARI K.
RUSTOMJI
The Common Thought We Shared
The
former Dewan of Sikkim, Nar Rustomji, a very close friend of the late Chogyal,
Palden Thondup Namgyal, visited Sikkim in 1985-86. Having first me him in
Shillong in the winter of 1978 I longed to see and get to know him more closely
when I went to
Therefore,
I was his natural choice as his tour guide when he paid a visit to Sikkim in
mid-’80s. Looking back, I guess it was his last and final visit to the real
During
this trip we spent a night at the world-renowned Sikkim Distilleries in Rongpo,
located at the Sikkim-West Bengal border in the east district. It was there at
the guest house that I sought Rustomji’s advice on the name that I should give
to my newspaper. Finally, the choice fell on “Sikkim Observer”. The Sikkim
Observer was born a few months after Rustomji left Sikkim.
During
his later visit to
When
I completed my own book, “Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide”, in 1993 my deepest
desire was to present a copy of it to uncle Rustomji. He would have loved it.
Unfortunately, I came to know in the beginning of 1994 that uncle had passed
away a few months before my book was released in New Delhi.
This perhaps is the first time that I’m making a mention of him and his book in the Observer. I still miss him and will forever cherish the rich memories that we shared together over the years ever since I first met him in one of my classmates’ house at Whispering Pines in Shillong. Though these words were meant for the late Chogyal let me dedicate them to him in his memory:
A
moment, and time will forget
Our
failure and our name
But
not the common thought
That linked us in a dream.
Sunday, September 11, 2022
J-K Parties Up In Arms Over Move To GiveVoting Rights To ‘Outsiders’ Before Assembly Polls
In Jammu and
Kashmir, it has become a routine: The government each month issues an order.
The order creates a political storm. The government ignores political
protestation and issues another order and moves debate in a different direction.
In Jammu and Kashmir, it has become a routine: The government each month
issues a controversial order. The order creates a political storm. The
government ignores political protestation and issues another contentious order
and moves debate in a different direction.
On August 17, Chief Electoral Officer of Jammu and Kashmir Hirsh Kumar
said after the abrogation of Article 370 every citizen of the country who
stayed ordinarily in J&K, for labour work, education, and business purpose,
can register as a voter in J&K and cast vote in the next assembly
elections. Kumar said he expects an increase of 20 Lakh to 25 lakh voters after
the completion of the special summary revision of the electoral rolls whose
final announcement will be made on November 25, 2022.
The announcement created a political ruckus in J&K and despite the
government issuing different orders like increasing the rent of Waqaf
properties and the police raiding different places, the debate around the CEO’s
statement of adding 25 lakh continues.
According to the schedule, Integrated Draft Electoral Roll would be
published by all Electoral Registration Officers on September 15, 2022. The
time between September 15 and October 25 has been earmarked for filing claims
and objections and all disposals in this regard will be completed by November
10.
Checking of health parameters and obtaining the Commission’s permission
for final publication, updating the database, and printing of supplements is to
be done by November 19, 2022. The final electoral roll would be published on
November 25. The CEO’s announcement gave a clear indication that anyone who
lives in Jammu and Kashmir ordinarily can now avail of the opportunity to get
enlisted as a voter making domicile certificates redundant.
Kumar says the decision was taken in accordance with the provisions of
Representation of the Peoples Act 1951 – an Act to provide for the conduct of
elections to the Houses of Parliament and to the House or Houses of the
Legislature of each State.
After the announcement, all regional political parties, including those
who are seen as close to the BJP opposed the move and called it
"dangerous". On August 22, Dr. Farooq Abdullah chaired the All
Parties Meeting to oppose the government's move to grant voting rights to outsiders
in Jammu and Kashmir. Sajad Lone-led People's Conference and Altaf Bukhari-led
Apni Party stayed away from the meeting.
With leaders from Congress, CPI(M), People’s Democratic Party, and Shiv
Sena, sitting beside him, Dr. Abdullah after the All Parties Meeting said the
new move to provide voting rights to outsiders in Jammu and Kashmir would make
a lot of people vulnerable in Jammu and Kashmir.
“We have expressed concern over the recent killings whether of Kashmiri
pandits, outside labourers, Kashmiri Muslims, policemen or Army
personnel,” Dr Abdullah said. “We have apprehensions that they (outsiders)
would be attacked. They should carefully take decisions. I called Lt Governor
(Manoj Sinha) a few days ago and asked him to call the All Parties Meeting.
Previously, he had called a meeting about Shri Amarnath Yatra and we all went.
This time I requested him to call all political parties for a meeting. But
there was no response to my request from Lt Governor,” Dr. Abdullah said.
Dr. Abdullah said they called the All Parties Meeting and a similar such
meeting will be held in Jammu. “We will make people aware of what the
government is planning to do. We are going to the Court also. We are thinking
on all kinds of avenues,” he added. Dr Abdullah asked why only Jammu and
Kashmir have been chosen for giving voting rights to outsiders. He said
there are differences of opinion within political parties but on this issue,
they will fight it together.
Shiv Sena leader Manish Sawhney said their demand is in sync with other
parties of J&K as they are opposing giving voting rights to outsiders.
“Repeatedly people of Jammu and Kashmir are being stabbed in the back. First,
the government removed the permanent resident certificate and asked everyone to
get a domicile. Now that people after remaining in long queues have got
domicile certificates, they are now being asked that outsiders are now eligible
to vote in Jammu and Kashmir.”
On August 5, 2019, the Centre amid siege, lockdown, and arrests of
nearly 8000 persons, abrogated Article 370 and Article 35A of the Constitution,
bifurcated and downgraded J&K into two Union Territories, J&K and
Ladakh. While the government extended and adapted around 800 state and
central laws to J&K, it hasn’t extended a single law to the UT of Ladakh.
Under Article 370 Jammu and Kashmir including Ladakh had a separate
constitution called the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir and also Article 35A
was prohibiting people from outside from buying property in Jammu and Kashmir
and ensuring job reservations for residents and voting rights to J&K
citizens only. Article 35A would empower the Government of J&K to define a
class of persons as constituting “permanent residents” of the erstwhile State.
Also, it would allow the government to confer on these persons’ special rights
and privileges with respect to matters of public employment and acquisition of
immovable property in the State.
Later on March 31, 2020, the government discarded the permanent resident
clause and replaced it with domicile law. Under the law, the domiciles have
been defined as those who have resided for a period of 15 years in the Union
territory of Jammu and Kashmir or have studied for a period of seven years and
appeared in Class 10th, 12th examination in an educational institution located
in J&K. The domicile law has no time bar indicating anyone appearing in
class 10th or 12th in any period of time since 1947 is eligible for the
domicile.
The government has made it mandatory for every citizen of the erstwhile
State of J&K to secure a domicile certificate though they possess mandatory
State subject certificates and thus equate them with the new domiciles.
Now in the case of voting rights domicile has been discarded with “ordinarily
living in J&K.”
The BJP says those who are ordinarily living in J&K whether they are
for services like in case armed forces or business or education or labour, can
exercise their right provided they delete their electoral roll in their native
place. The BJP says the regional parties are playing politics over it.
The political parties fear if the 25 lakh outsiders or those ordinarily
living in J&K get enrolled in the voting list, they will change the voter
demography of the region forever. Though the BJP says the number of people
ordinarily living in J&K is not far higher and the political parties are
not realising the definition of ordinary residents, political parties fear the
current BJP government is capable of adding 25 lakh voters from outside to
J&K.
‘Ordinarily Living’ voters, if it would mean anyone coming to Kashmir
for 15 days can register here, vote, and leave. So in a gap of five years, he
will keep electing governments in different states. So are you creating a bogey
of 25 lakh voters to influence elections across India,” says the PDP leader
Mohit Bhan. For long regional political parties have been talking about the
dangers of demographic change in J&K. Now it looks real.
Sajad Lone says: “We will not protest before the current administration.
We know the current administration in Delhi or in Srinagar doesn't hold the
political parties of J&K in very high esteem. In fact, they display
contempt and disdain for them.”
“We think the final test is on October 1 when it (the summary revision)
will be out. We don’t think the law is a threat to us but we are scared of
those implementing the law. We will wait to see what they will do. If they did
it (including 25 lakh outsiders as voters) we will sit on hunger strike in
front of India. This war cannot be fought here. We will wait till October 1,”
Lone says.
By Naseer Ganai in Srinagar
(Ref: Outlook magazine, Sept 11, 2022)
Wednesday, August 31, 2022
Death of A Judge
Justice Anup Deb: Did he commit suicide or was he
murdered?
Justice Anup Deb |
More
than a decade after his sudden demise the mystery of Justice Anup Deb’s death
refuses to fade away, at least among those who were close to him.
He
was a Judge and I a journalist but what bound us together for more than two
decades was our friendship nurtured down the years through turbulent times. When
I got a call from someone early morning on March 14, 2002 I rushed to Justice
Debs’ official residence at Balwuakhani in Gangtok only to find out that he was
no more. The official version of Justice Deb’s death was that he hung himself
in his official residence in the night of March 13.
Justice
Deb was a strong and determined person and those, like myself, who knew him
from close range found it very difficult to believe that he had committed
suicide.
“Unable
to bear his prolonged illness, sitting High Court Judge Justice Anup Deb
committed suicide,” a national daily reported. It added “…an ailing Justice Deb
(59) hanged himself in the bedroom of his official residence here shortly after
midnight leaving a suicide note stating "I cannot bear my illness
anymore."
However, Deb’s personal physician Dr. K. Bhandari of Sir Thutob Namgyal
Memorial Hospital (STNM) said he was not suffering from any terminal or serious
diseases. It is the first time in India’s history that a sitting Judge commits
suicide, reported Sikkim Express.
My
own English weekly, Sikkim Observer, which
many times reported on Justice Deb’s pronouncements in the court, was out of
print during this period and failed to carry anything on his death. I hope this
piece will to some extent do justice to the departed soul and compensate for my
failure to carry anything on circumstances surrounding his tragic death which
still remain shrouded in mystery.
Deb
was elevated to the rank of a Judge of the Sikkim High Court from the State
Advocate General's post in 1994. He was transferred to the Agartala bench of
the Gauhati High Court in February 1995 and then moved to the Orissa High Court
in March 1996 before returning to Sikkim High Court in December 1997. During
his tenure in the Sikkim High Court he also held the post of Acting Chief
Justice for some time.
“Don’t
meditate too much. Look after your family,” were his last words to me and my
wife when we went to see him and his wife at his Gangtok residence. He was in a
good mood and we had a good time. That was, I think, the last time we met. Most
of the time Justice Deb lived alone in his residence while his wife and
children resided in neighbouring Siliguri, his home town.
Since the Chamling Government slapped two
cases on me regarding my press and residence in early 2001 and since Justice
Deb was hearing these cases I made it a point not to be around him. But by
early 2002 I learnt that he was not his normal self. During this period he once
told me that he had information from the Union Home Ministry that his life was
in danger. He used to often seek divinations for even traveling to Siliguri and
Delhi. Lots of pujas were also performed for his safety and security. At times
he was quite paranoid about his personal safety. “Some people think I’m running
a parallel government!,” Deb used to tell me at times and then burst into
laughter. Indeed, some of his observations and verdicts in the court made the
administration sit up and take note.
Realising
that he was not keeping well I made it a point to see him and personally find
out what was troubling him. I had some paper works to do at the High Court on
March 13 which took some time. It was then I decided to go and see him in his
office at the High Court premises. He was not there and I was told he was with
Chief Justice R. Dayal in his office. I waited for sometime and left a word in
his office that I had come to see him.
I
was expecting a call from him in the afternoon or evening of the same day. Justice Deb usually calls me to his residence
whenever I wanted to see him or the vice-versa. We normally chat over a cup of
tea and snacks prepared by his cook. But this time there was no calls from him
and early the next day I get a call saying he is no more.
My
first encounter with Justice Deb was way back in the winter of 1983. I was just
fresh out of college and into journalism. What brought us together was a writ
petition filed in the Supreme Court on seats reserved for Sikkim’s indigenous
Bhutia-Lepchas (BLs) in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly by Ram Chandra Poudyal,
then perhaps the most popular and articulate leader of the Nepalese community
in Sikkim.
In
his writ petition, Poudyal, a former minister in the Kazi Cabinet (1974-1979),
sought to do away with 12 Assembly seats reserved for the Bhutia-Lepchas and 1
for the Sangha, representing Buddhist monasteries in Sikkim. Deb, who was then
the Additional Advocate General of Sikkim, sought my help to defend the case on
historical ground. He said we would lose the case if we depended solely on
legal and constitutional grounds. I took leave from Eastern Express, where I was working, and prepared the papers to
defend the 13 reserved seats of the BLs and Sangha in the Supreme Court.
When
the case came up for hearing in early 1984 before the Supreme Court Poudyal was
asked to “withdraw” his petition. The five-judge constitution bench headed by Supreme
Court Chief Justice, Justice YB Chandrachud, which took note of the historical
background on Assembly seat reservation for the minority indigenous communities
in Sikkim, was in our favour. However, Poudyal tactfully delayed hearing of the
petition for several years and when it did come up for hearing in early 1993 we
won the case.
“The
inequalities in representation in the present case are an inheritance and
compulsion from the past. Historical considerations have justified a
differential treatment,” read the verdict of the apex court. These were the
same observations made by the apex court in February 1984. If Justice Deb had not advised us to depend on
our history to defend our case we may have lost our battle in the apex court
and that would have been disastrous for Sikkim.
When
we finally won the case in 1993 it was my privilege to have Justice Deb, Sonam
P. Wangdi, now Judge of Sikkim High Court, then a Sikkimese lawyer who was once
Deb’s junior, and my friend Chewang Tobgay, who represented Sikkim Tribal
Welfare Association (STWA) in the case as an intervening party, at my residence
at Deorali for lunch. It was time to celebrate for our victory. Former Home
Secretary, Late Jigdal T. Densapa, who was a part of our team representing the
State Government, was the only person missing from the table.
I
was the last person to place a khada
on Deb when his body was placed in the crematorium on the banks of Mahananda
River in Siliguri during the funeral. I vividly recollect what came to my mind
when I first passed the Mahananda bridge, located near the cremation place,
after Deb’s death. As I looked over the
bridge across to where the last remains of Justice Deb’s body were turned into
ashes and then immersed into the river these words from the man whom I loved
and respected flashed through my head: “Don’t look back. Look forward. I did my
job. Now you do yours.” Was he referring to the Assembly seat issue? I often
wonder about this but have no answers. However, I know that our mission on
Assembly seat issue for both the Bhutia-Lepchas and Sikkimese Nepalese is still
unfinished. Whenever I pass through that bridge I look over to the same spot
and whisper some prayers for the one who is now no more but who still lives in
my memory.
Did
Deb really commit suicide or did someone hang him? During the tragic incident,
Deb’s younger brother, Goutam Deb, now Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s
troubleshooter in Darjeeling and also North Bengal Development Minister, was
heard uttering these words in front of Justice Dayal and other officials: “Cold
blooded murder.”
The
Sikkim unit of the Congress party’s demand for a CBI probe into the incident
went unheeded. The fact that one of Deb’s prominent friends in college was
senior Congress leader Pranab Mukherjee – now India’s President – did not evoke
much response from the authorities. Former Chief Minister NB Bhandari also doubted
the suicide claim of the government.
Years
later, a highly-placed Sikkimese civil servant close to Deb who has now
retired, told me that the former Acting Chief Justice of Sikkim High Court did
not commit suicide but was forcefully hung in his toilet. To prove his point he
said there was no probe into the incident and the policeman who was guarding
Justice Deb’s residence during that period died mysteriously one month after
the tragic incident. The constable’s wife also committed suicide shortly after
her husband’s death. Reportedly, the couple hung themselves.
No
matter how Justice Deb may have met his end I strongly believe that it was the
system that thrives on lies, deceit and corruption that put an abrupt end to
his life.
(Ref: Talk
Sikkim, October 2013.)