Friday, May 17, 2013


SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday   May 18-24,  2013    
Guv, CM stress on democracy, development on State Day
(Left) Governor BP Singh pays his respects to Lhendup Dorji Kazi, Sikkim’s first chief minister, during the State Day in Gangtok on Wednesday.
Gangtok, May 17: Governor BP Singh and Chief Minister Pawan Chamling focused on ‘democracy’ and ‘development’ in the former kingdom, which became a part of the Indian Union nearly four decades back, during their ‘State Say’ messages yesterday.
During a function held here to celebrate the annual ‘State Day’, the Governor praised the Chief Minister for ushering in an era of “peace and prosperity” and providing “good governance.”
He said this is possible because of communal harmony in the State.
 “Democracy means good governance and giving ample opportunity in the State and the Chamling government has been exemplary in this field, the Governor said, according to an official release.
In his State Day message, the Governor said, the Sikkimese people “made a choice” for “democracy” in 1975 to merge with India. He added, “This wise choice of our people has found expressions in expansion of our education, in freedom of speech, in freedom of opportunity, and in installation of institutions of democracy from Panchayats to Legislative Assembly to Parliament.”
 He added, “The fact that this choice for democracy was peacefully made and since promoted bears testimony to the fact that the people of Sikkim fully understand the gains of democracy, which, in all during nearly four decades has not failed them.”
The Chief Minister said the State has attained “commendable progress under the democratic dispensation.”
“The collective decision to embrace democratic form of governance was largely due to yawning socio-economic divide in the people resulting in mass clamour for democracy,” Chamling said.
Chamling added after the merger, the State “has moved ahead by leaps and bound in all spheres of development.”
While not mentioning his mentor and former chief minister NB Bhandari, the Chief Minister said,
“it may be emphasized that government formed and conducted immediately after the appointed day till the early 1990s was almost an extension of the feudal governance treating people as subservient to the wishes of the people in power.”
He said that only after the formation of the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front government on December 12, 1994, the people have become “the fountainhead of all power in a democracy” in the former kingdom.
As part of the celebrations the LD Kazi (Sikkim’s first chief minister – 1975-1979) award was conferred to BB Mishra and CB Rai.
Anti-merger leader and former minister Sherab Palden and pro-merger leader NB Khatiwada were conferred with Sikkim Sewa Ratna.
The Sikkim Sewa Samman award was given to 21 people from different walks of life for their contribution in their respective fields. (see page 4)
Darjeeling is the heart of Bengal: Mamata
Mamata Banerjee with Bimal Gurung in Darjeeling on Wednesday.
Darjeeling, May 17: Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee says Darjeeling is an inalienable part of Bengal. She said that development of Darjeeling should be the main focus and there should not be politics around it  
In a stark message to the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, which is agitating for a separate state out of Darjeeling, Chief Minister Mamata on Wednesday said in the presence of Bimal Gurung, GJM chief, that the hills were an indivisible part of West Bengal and that she wanted peace to reign in the region.
"Darjeeling is the heart of Mother Bengal," she said at a programme where Gurung was present.
"I want Darjeeling to remain in peace, failing which, tourism a major revenue earner for the hills will suffer. Let there be development in Darjeeling which is part of Bengal," she said announcing a slew of development projects including infrastructure development, a national daily reported.
She said that development of Darjeeling should be the main focus and there should not be politics around it, while urging the people living in Darjeeling to remain alert against those trying to create provocation to disrupt peace.
"Conspiracies to strain our relation will not work. I want to build a bridge a between the hills and the plains and for that we will work together," she said asserting that she had a cordial relationship with the people of Darjeeling and the GJM. Mamata arrived in Darjeeling on Tuesday on a three-day visit.
She held a meeting earlier in the day with the GTA officials and attended a government function to announce development schemes for the region.
Banerjee's meeting with the GJM leadership was considered crucial especially after the relation between the two had nosedived earlier this year.
Boycott of ‘State Day’ will continue till political rights are restored:NASBO
Kaloen
Gangtok, May 17: In a significant move, the National Sikkimese Bhutia Organisation (Art. 371F) has decided to boycott the annual ‘State Day’ functions till such time the Centre honours its commitment made to Sikkim and abides by the provisions of Art. 371F of the Constitution of India, which provides special status to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people.
In a statement, NASBO President Sonam Lama Kaloen, has demanded restoration of the political rights of the three ethnic communities of Sikkim through seat reservation in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly.
Until the political rights of the Sikkimese people are restored the ‘State Day’ will be observed as ‘Black Day’, NASBO in a statement said.
“The observation of the State Day is irrelevant and an insult to the solemn commitment made by the Indian government in safeguarding the socio-politico and economic tights and interests of the Sikkimese people during Sikkim’s annexation in 1975 by her own protecting power,” NASBO said.
“Until and unless the political rights of the Sikkimese Nepalese community is fully restored back in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly or that of the Sikkimese Bhutia Lepchas’ political rights are safeguarded, until and unless the Sikkimese dharma lineage of Mahaguru Padmasambhava is preserved and protected and until and unless the ever fading significance of Article 371 F is protected,” posterity would only regard the “State Day as ‘Black Day’,” NASBO said.
 “We shall boycott the State Day celebration till such time both the Indian and Sikkimese government acknowledges and incorporates the significance of Article 371 F for all purpose, till the political rights of the Sikkimese people are adequately restored, or else, the posterity would only regard the State Day as ‘Black Day’,” the statement said.
The organization also called on the people to elected a strong chief minister, who will be able to safeguard the “rights and interests” of the Sikkimese people.
Bhandari to revive Assembly seat issue after SSP revival
Gangtok, May 17: Former Chief Minister NB Bhandari, who was recently removed from the post of Congress president in the State, has decided to revive Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP), a regional party formed by him on May 24, 1984.
Bhandari had gone to Delhi to find out the legal status of the SSP with the Election Commission. On his return, Bhandari said the SSP is still a ‘registered’ party with the Election Commission and would be revived soon.
He said the decision to revive the party was taken on May 8 last week. This day is significant as on this day the Chogyal of Sikkim and leaders of three political parties of Sikkim signed a historic agreement with the Government of India on May 8, 1973. The ‘tripartite’ agreement safeguarded the political rights of the Sikkimese people, Bhandari told Sikkim Observer on his return from Delhi.
He said former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi respected the “distinct personality” of Sikkim and wanted to restore the political rights of the Sikkimese people through seat reservation in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly. He said he intends to focus on seat restoration in the Assembly.
Significantly, SSP’s main political issues during its formation were: constitutional recognition of Nepali language, grant of Indian citizenship to ‘left out persons’ and Assembly seat reservation.
Two of its demands have been met; only the seat issue is left. “Besides reservation of seats for Sikkimese Nepalese, we want seats to be reserved in the Assembly for Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas only,” Bhandari said.
Meanwhile, Bhandari has been replaced by Kunga Nima Lepcha as SPCC President, who also visited Delhi after his appointment. Lepcha, who urged the party high command to retain Bhandari, said the AICC has also been briefed on corruption cases against Chief Minister Pawan Chamling by the CBI.
Lepcha said he was hopeful of a “positive response” from the party high command on the CBI issue. He also wants Assembly polls, due early next year, to be held under President’s rule.                                                                                                                                           Old settlers of Sikkim: should we reject or embrace them?
Jigme N Kazi



Firstly, let me at the outset plainly and very categorically state that I fully support and endorse any economic incentives, including income tax exemption,  and political safeguards given to old settlers in Sikkim. I do this without any political or personal motive. Barring a few months in 2008 when some of my friends and I tried to bring some sanity into Sikkim politics I have been out of politics since I quit the field after three and half years in August 2004. Let me reiterate: I do not intend to return to politics nor write seriously on political matters in Sikkim. Throwing pearls before swines is now a thing of the past though, as you know, old habits die hard!      
    It is no use arguing on who came first to Sikkim and hold futile debate/discussion on the original inhabitants of this land. The fact is that when the Kingdom of Sikkim came to an end in 1975 there were four communities living in this mountainous region. Over the years, the first three groups – Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese – managed to get the ‘ethnic’ tag and the other – basically the plainspeople – were bracketed in the purnao byapari category.
     The fourth community is now described as ‘old settlers’ and contrary to popular perception they are not confined to the people from the plains. Hill people from Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet and Darjeeling, who have settled in Sikkim down the decades but failed to acquire ‘Sikkim Subject Certificate’ (valid identity document possessed by bonafide Sikkimese), also come under the category of ‘old settlers.’
 In this column I do not wish to lay out the legal and constitutional justifications for supporting the old settlers. This may be done later if required. Legal and constitutional matters are secondary. The first approach to settle and get a general consensus on the matter is to view it from a more humane and historical angle.
The former Kingdom of Sikkim, ruled by the Chogyals (dharmaraj) since 1642, remained isolated till the British appeared in the scene in early 19th century. The period between 1835, when the British East India Company ‘persuaded’ the Chogyal to gift away Darjeeling, to Darjeeling’s virtual annexation in 1860, saw a gradual increase in the composition of Darjeeling’s population. Till then Darjeeling’s population consisted mainly of Lepchas, Bhutias and Limbus. Sikkim’s own population had the same mix.
   The composition of Sikkim’s population drastically changed after the British forced itself into Sikkim in late 1880s, leading to John Claude White being appointed Sikkim’s first Political Officer in 1889. Sikkim became a British protectorate in 1890. Native opposition to the huge influx did not help as the British encouraged more influx under its ‘divide and rule’ policy.
    Britain’s invasion of Tibet through east Sikkim in the first decade of the 20th century encouraged more outsiders to settle in Sikkim. More people settled in Sikkim after India’s independence in 1947 for obvious reasons. The signing of the Indo-Sikkim Treaty in 1950 and the gradual takeover of Tibet by China from 1950s and particularly after 1959 witnessed even more people, including Tibetan refugees, coming to Sikkim and settling here. While more new settlers came and settled here after the 1973 political turmoil Sikkim witnessed increasing influx after it became a part of India in 1975.
These are the facts of history which cannot be denied. The Sikkimese political leadership believes that though Sikkim became an integral part of India New Delhi acknowledged the former kingdom’s unique history and polity and gave enough constitutional and political safeguards to protect its special status.
Though Sikkim’s distinct identity within India has been unfortunately diluted down the decades it is a fact that even the political rights of majority Sikkimese Nepalese, who were considered one of the three ethnic communities (the other two being Lepchas and Bhutias) by the Chogyal and later acknowledged by New Delhi, were initially safeguarded. With their political rights gone (Assmbly seat reservation) and their community divided on casteist lines the Sikkimese Nepalese are now feeling the heat. They apprehend being reduced to a minority in the near future.
These trends are worrying factors not only for the Sikkimese Nepalese but also for the minority Bhutia-Lepchas of Sikkimese origin. For the sake of our own survival we ought to stick together. If we fail to live together in peace and harmony we will surely be vastly outnumbered in the near future.
Just as the Bhutia-Lepchas once feared being outnumbered by the Nepalese, the Sikkimese Nepalese today feel the same with the plainspeople, who not only come in great numbers but have the added advantage of being more skilled in labour, trade and business. And along with this they have the money power, too. Here we are not talking of the old settlers from Bihar and Rajasthan but the new breed of people who represent big business houses and corporates. Unlike us they have no feeling for Sikkim and the Sikkimese people.
It is said that of Sikkim’s six lac odd population the ‘Sikkim Subjects’, who possess genuine Sikkim Subject Certificates, are less than three lacs. In such a situation isn’t it politically, socially and morally a correct thing to side with the old settlers and give them a sense of security and belonging before we, too, become insecure and homeless in our homeland?  We ought to take this dictum more seriously before it is too late: divided we stand, united we fall. (Talk Sikkim)
Editorial
SANGRAM OR PARISHAD
The Tiger Is Out Of The Cage
Nar Bahadur Bhandari’s unceremonious exit from power in May 1984 propelled him to launch Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP) on May 24 in the same year. Luckily for him the Assembly polls were just round the corner and he contested both the lone Lok Sabha seat from Sikkim in November –December 1984 and the Assembly polls that followed in March 1985 and won. The former chief minister’s rebellious and defiant reaction to his abrupt removal from the post of Sikkim Pradesh Congress Committee President recently and his likely decision to float a regional party will undoubtedly change the course of Sikkim politics. Bhandari has already indicated his willingness to revive the SSP. Names and symbols really do not matter in Sikkim politics; only individuals and issues attract the Sikkimese.
One can understand how relieved Bhandari is in being relieved of his responsibilities in the Congress party. The man who was once looked upon as an anti-merger hero of the Sikkimese has always felt very uncomfortable in the company of the party that annexed the former kingdom. “I threw away the flag of the party that ate my country,” is how Bhandari reacted to the news of his removal from party president. When Bhandari’s Sikkim Janata Parishad ousted the Kazi Government, which was responsible for the ‘merger’, and formed the government in October 1979 he played with Sikkimese sentiments and was successful. He used the Nepali card to return to power in March 1985. If he really wants to succeed this time he has to strike a fine balance between Sikkimese and Nepalese sentiments.
Reach out to China, via Sikkim
By SUNANDA K. DATTA-DAY
It must be nearly 40 years since I made my way to Nathu-la, the pass at 14,400 ft that is supposed to be one of three Himalayan trade routes between India and China. It was a different world. Sikkim was a monarchy then and India and China bitterly critical of each other.
My travelling companion, Prince Wangchuck, was an engaging youth full of fun and promise. Now revered by legitimists as the 13th consecrated Chogyal of Sikkim, he is a 60-year-old recluse lost in meditation in some Nepalese sanctuary.
Wangchuck had a smattering of Mandarin. “Ni hao ma … How are you?” he asked the Chinese soldier on the other side of the barbed wire beyond the crudely painted “India Wall”. The man stared at us in surly silence. Wangchuck repeated the question. Again, there was no reply. Finally, when he yelled, “Ni hao ma?” a third time, the Chinese sentry grunted “Wo hen hao, xiexie… I am well” in an angry tone that suggested the opposite.

India probably hoped that China’s willingness to trade through this gap in the Himalayas implied acceptance of Sikkim’s status as an Indian state. For China did not reciprocate when India acknowledged Chinese sovereignty over Tibet in the 2003 “Declaration on Principles for Relations and Comprehensive Cooperation” between India and China. An American scholar, David Scott, points out in Sino-Indian Territorial Issues: The Razor’s Edge?, “the text shows a one-way agreement, one-way obligations and one-way concessions”. As for the complacent claim of implicit Chinese acceptance of Indian sovereignty, Scott warns “that was implied rather than explicit, de facto rather then de jure.” As if to bear out Scott’s doubts, China contested Indian control of the 2.1-sq-km Finger Area tract in northern Sikkim five years after the Declaration.
Delivering the K. Subrahmanyam Memorial Lecture, “China in the Twenty-First Century: What India Needs to Know About China’s World View” in New Delhi last August, Shyam Saran, former national security adviser, observed that although China handed over maps during Wen Jiabao’s 2005 visit “showing Sikkim as part of India… recently, some Chinese scholars have pointed out that the absence of an official statement recognising Indian sovereignty leaves the door open to subsequent shifts if necessary.”
Even the ostensible commercial rationale for reopening Nathu-la (ironically, on the Dalai Lama’s birthday, July 6, 2006) doesn’t appear to have been realised. Traditionally, trade between Sikkim and Tibet was conducted along 13 routes. The British preferred Nathu-la because of its gentler gradients and shorter distances (54 km from Gangtok, 520 km to Lhasa). Its closure in 1962 together with all the other passes marked the end of an era in history. The only person permitted for 44 years to cross the barbed-wire frontier at Nathu-la was a Chinese postman with an Indian military escort, who would hand over an empty mailbag to his Indian counterpart in a building at the border.
The closure sounded the death-knell of Kalimpong in West Bengal, once the meeting place of kalons (ministers) from Sikkim, Bhutan and Tibet and the nerve centre of the Tibet trade. More than 10,000 men were employed in sorting mounds of dirty white, grey or black wool from Tibet into neat bales for export to Britain and the US. Thousands more provided fodder and maize for mules, and exotic entertainment for their masters enjoying a 10-day respite from the privations of a bleak and dangerous road. The daily turnover of more than `400 million persuaded the State Bank of India to open a branch in Kalimpong.
Apart from wool and Kuomintang silver dollars, the caravans brought yaks’ tails, musk, borax, curios and Chinese rice. They took back cement, kerosene and all the manufactures of Indian factories. A car for the Dalai Lama was dismantled and carted up piece by piece. Indian officials turned a blind eye when rations and equipment for Mao Zedong’s forces, including jeeps from Kolkata, were similarly exported and reassembled at a factory at Phari on the Tibetan plateau.
Two new marts were set up at Sherathang in Sikkim and Rinqingang in Tibet under the 1991 Sino-Indian memorandum of understanding. But only local people can use the marts. However, Sikkim can now import several new items including readymade garments, shoes, quilts and blankets, carpets and Tibetan herbal medicines. The earlier list was restricted to 15 items like wool, cashmere goat, yak tails, sheep skins, horses and salt. Traders complained these items were of little value. “Who wants yak tails nowadays?” they asked.
The original export list of 29 items (including clothes, tea, rice, dry fruits and vegetable oil) has also been expanded to include processed food, flowers, fruits and spices, and religious products like beads, prayer wheels, incense sticks and butter oil lamps. The Sikkimese would like much more relaxation. They say the restriction to locals only encourages Rajasthani traders to operate benami through Sikkimese front men.
Two other passes — Gunji in Uttarakhand and Shipki in Himachal Pradesh — have also been opened. But the total trade isn’t even an infinitesimal fraction of the $66 billion bilateral trad. It makes no dent in India’s $23 billion trade deficit. Smuggling is rife through Nepal and, to a lesser extent, some north-eastern states.
But even if neither the political nor the economic argument for reopening the three passes has been fulfilled, it doesn’t mean they should be closed again. On the contrary, more passes should be opened and imaginatively administered on both sides of the border to encourage the human contact that is now sadly absent from Sino-Indian relations.
Back in Gangtok after many years, I couldn’t visit Nathu-la again. Severe hailstorms had blocked the road. (The writer is a senior journalist, columnist and author- The Asian Age)
Sumin villagers forced to part with ancestral land by power developers: NASBO
Gangtok, May 17: Power developers in Sumin Busty in East Sikkim are forcing local residents, including monks, to give away their ancestral land for power projects.
The National Sikkimese Bhutia Organisation (NASBO) has alleged that the plight of the people of Sumin, who are being “forcefully” coerced by officials of Madhya Bharati Company Ltd. to part with their ancestral land, was recently reported to the East District Magistrate. However, “it appears that the matter is put to the administrative dustbin thereby lending the innocent lay and monk community to the hitherto mental agony of all sorts, almost every day,” NASBO said in a press statement.
It said monks and lay people of the village have approached NASBO chief Sonam Lama Kaloen and Sikkim Bhutia-Lepcha Apex Committee chief Tseten Tashi Bhutia to act on the matter on their behalf.
The said company, which is developing the Rongnichu Hydro Electric Project in the area, “is forcefully imposing acquisition of the private land of the local monk community,” the release said.
39th ‘STATE DAY’
The Indian takeover of a Himalyan Kingdom
"Sikkim's merger was necessary for Indian national interest”
Sudheer Sharma looks back at how a Himalayan kingdom lost its sovereignty.
King Palden Thondup Namgyal, the Chogyal of Sikkim, was in his palace on the morning of 6 April, 1975 when the roar of army trucks climbing the steep streets of Gangtok brought him running to the window. There were Indian soldiers everywhere, they had surrounded the palace, and short rapid bursts of machine gun fire could be heard.
 Basant Kumar Chhetri, a 19-year-old guard at the palace's main gate, was struck by a bullet and killed-the first casualty of the takeover. The 5,000-strong Indian force didn't take more than 30 minutes to subdue the palace guards who numbered only 243. By 12.45 it was all over, Sikkim ceased to exist as an independent kingdom.
Captured palace guards, hands raised high were packed into trucks and taken away, singing: "Dela sil, li gi, gang changka chibso" (may my country keep blooming like a flower). But by the, the Indian tri-colour had replaced the Sikkimese flag at the palace where the 12th king of the Namgyal dynasty was held prisoner.
    (L to R) Kewal Singh (Indian Foreign Secretary), Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, K.S Bajpai (Indian Political Officer)   
     and Karma Tobden (Deputy Secretary to the Chogyal) during the signing of the Tripartite Agreement of May 8th, 1973, in   
     Gangtok.
 "The Chogyal was a great believer in India. He had huge respect for Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. Not in his wildest dreams did he think India would ever swallow up his kingdom," recalls Captain Sonam Yongda, the Chogyal's aide-de-camp. Nehru himself had told journalist Kuldip Nayar in 1960: "Taking a small country like Sikkim by force would be like shooting a fly with a rifle." Ironically, it was Nehru's daughter Indira Gandhi who cited "national interest" to make Sikkim the 22nd state in the Indian Union.
In the years leading up to the 1975 annexation, there was enough evidence that all was not well in relations between New Delhi and Gangtok. The seeds were sown as far back as 1947 after India gained independence, when the Sikkim State Congress started an anti-monarchist movement to introduce democracy, end feudalism and merge with India.
 "We went to Delhi to talk to Nehru about these demands," recalls CD Rai, a rebel leader. "He told us, we'll help you with democracy and getting rid of feudalism, but don't talk about merger now." Relenting to pressure from pro-democracy supporters, the 11th Chogyal was forced to include Rai in a five-member council of ministers, to sign a one-sided treaty with India which would effectively turn Sikkim into an Indian "protectorate", and allow the stationing of an Indian "political officer" in Gangtok.
    (L to R) Kewal Singh (Indian Foreign Secretary), Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa and 
    BS Das (Chief Executive) in Gangtok during the signing of the Government of Sikkim Act 1974, which made Sikkim an 
     Associate State of India.
As a leader of international stature with an anti-imperialist role on the world stage, Nehru did not want to be seen to be bullying small neighbours in his own backyard. But by 1964 Nehru had died and so had the 11th Chogyal, Sir Tashi Namgyal. There was a new breed of young and impatient political people emerging in Sikkim and things were in ferment. The plot thickened when Kaji Lendup Dorji (also known as LD Kaji) of the Sikkim State Congress, who had an ancestral feud with the Chogyal's family, entered the fray.
 By 1973, New Delhi was openly supporting the Kaji's Sikkim State Congress. Pushed into a corner, the new Chogyal signed a tripatrite agreement with political parties and India under which there was further erosion of his powers. LD Kaji's Sikkim State Congress won an overwhelming majority in the 1974 elections, and within a year the cabinet passed a bill asking for the Chogyal's removal. The house sought a referendum, during which the decision was endorsed. "That was a charade," says KC Pradhan, who was then minister of agriculture. "The voting was directed by the Indian military."
India's "Chief Executive" in Gangtok wrote: "Sikkim's merger was necessary for Indian national interest. And we worked to that end. Maybe if the Chogyal had been smarter, and played his cards better, it wouldn't have turned out the way it did."
It is also said that the real battle was not between the Chogyal and Kaji Lendup Dorji, but between their wives. On one side was Queen Hope Cook, the American wife of the Chogyal and on the other was the Belgian wife of the Kaji, Elisa-Maria Standford. "This was a proxy war between the American and the Belgian," says former chief minister, BB Gurung. But there was a third woman involved: Indira Gandhi in New Delhi.
    Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa being sworn in as the first Chief Minister of Sikkim by Governor B.B. Lal at the Raj 
    Bhavan, Gangtok, on 16th May 1975.
Chogyal Palden met the 24-year-old New Yorker, Hope Cook, in Darjeeling in 1963 and married her. For Cook, this was a dream come true: to become the queen of an independent kingdom in Shangrila. She started taking the message of Sikkimese independence to the youth, and the allegations started flying thick and fast that she was a CIA agent. These were the coldest years of the Cold War, and there was a tendency in India to see a "foreign hand" behind everything so it was not unusual for the American queen to be labeled a CIA agent. However, as Hope Cook's relations with Delhi deteriorated, so did her marriage with the Chogyal. In 1973, she took her two children and went back to New York. She hasn't returned to Sikkim since.
Then there was Elisa-Maria, daughter of a Belgian father and German mother who left her Scottish husband in Burma and married LD Kaji in Delhi in 1957. The two couldn't have been more different. Elisa-Maria wanted to be Sikkim's First Lady, but Hope Cook stood in the way. "She didn't just want to be the wife of an Indian chief minister, she wanted to be the wife of the prime minister of an independent Sikkim." With that kind of an ambition, it was not surprising that with annexation, neither Hope Cook nor Elisa-Maria got what they wanted.
Meanwhile, in New Delhi, Indira Gandhi was going from strength to strength, and India was flexing its muscles. The 1971 Bangladesh war and the atomic test in 1974 gave Delhi the confidence to take care of Sikkim once and for all. Indira Gandhi was concerned that Sikkim may show independent tendencies and become a UN member like Bhutan did in 1971, and she also didn't take kindly to the three Himalayan kingdoms, Bhutan, Sikkim and Nepal, getting too cosy with each other. The Chogyal attended King Birendra's coronation in Kathmandu in 1975 and hobnobbed with the Pakistanis and the Chinese, and there was a lobby in Delhi that felt Sikkim may get Chinese help to become independent.
In his book on the Indian intelligence agency, Inside RAW: The Story of India's Secret Service, Ashok Raina writes that New Delhi had taken the decision to annex Sikkim in 1971, and that the RAW used the next two years to create the right conditions within Sikkim to make that happen. The key here was to use the predominantly-Hindu Sikkimese of Nepali origin who complained of discrimination from the Buddhist king and elite to rise up. "What we felt then was that the Chogyal was unjust to us," says CD Rai, editor of Gangtok Times and ex-minister. "We thought it may be better to be Indian than to be oppressed by the king."
So, when the Indian troops moved in there was general jubilation on the streets of Gangtok. It was in fact in faraway Kathmandu that there were reverberations. Beijing expressed grave concern. But in the absence of popular protests against the Indian move, there was only muted reaction at the United Nations in New York. It was only later that there were contrary opinions within India-Morarji Desai said in 1978 that the merger was a mistake. Even Sikkimese political leaders who fought for the merger said it was a blunder and worked to roll it back. But by then it was too late.
Today, most Sikkimese know they lost their independence in 1975, and Siliguri-bound passengers in Gangtok still say they are "going to India". The elite have benefited from New Delhi's largesse and aren't complaining. As ex-chief minister BB Gurung says: "We can't turn the clock back now."


HIMALAYAN GUARDIAN     Wednesday May 15-21, 2013  
Exiled Tibetan PM’s demand: “genuine autonomy within China”
Washington, May 14: The leader of Tibet's exiled government said on Wednesday he would accept the Chinese Communist Party's rule in the territory, assuring Beijing it faced no threat to its sovereignty if it eases its grip.
Lobsang Sangay, who was elected in 2011 to a new position of prime minister in exile after the Dalai Lama gave up political duties, appealed to China for new talks on the grievances that have triggered a wave of self-immolations, AFP reported.
On a visit to Washington, Sangay said that the exiled government based in Dharamshala, India, was "not challenging China's sovereignty or territorial integrity" through its repeated calls for greater autonomy.
"What we seek is genuine autonomy as per the framework of the Chinese constitution. In short, if the Chinese government implements their own law, we would take that as genuine autonomy," he said at the Council on Foreign Relations think-tank.
"That, we think, is a moderate, reasonable solution which is a win-win proposition both for the Chinese government and the Tibetan people."
China's constitution grants Tibet autonomy.
"We don't challenge, or ask for, an overthrow of the Communist Party. We don't question or challenge the present structure of the ruling party," he said.
Border disputes not to affect Indo-China relations
     External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in Beijing on Thursday. (Pix:PTI)
Beijing, May 14: The foreign ministers of China and India have glossed over a recent standoff along their countries' disputed border in an apparent sign that the incident will not harm future high-level contacts.
China remains committed to a negotiated resolution of the border dispute, Foreign Minister Wang Yi was quoted as telling Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid at a meeting late Thursday in Beijing.
Prior to a permanent settlement, China wishes to jointly maintain peace and tranquility along the border, while raising bilateral relations to new heights, Wang was quoted as saying by China's official Xinhua News Agency.
New Delhi had accused Chinese troops of crossing the de facto border between the countries on April 15 and pitching camp in the Depsang valley in the Ladakh region of eastern Kashmir. Although China said its troops stayed on their side of the frontier as recognized by Beijing, India moved its soldiers just 300 meters from the Chinese position. A series of meetings were held and troops from both sides withdrew on Monday, India Today reported.
Since arriving in Beijing on Thursday, Khurshid has declined to speak to foreign media, but he was quoted by an Indian newspaper as saying the cause of the border incident was not discussed in his meeting with Wang.
Khurshid is scheduled to meet on Friday with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and senior foreign policy adviser Yang Jiechi.
The minister's visit was intended to set the stage for Li's trip to India later this month, which the border incident had threatened to overshadow. While the reasons behind the incident remain murky, its tidy resolution appears designed to ensure a smooth reception for Li as he makes his first overseas trip since taking on the post of premier in March.
Asian giants with more than 1 billion people each, India and China have had chilly relations since they fought a brief border war in 1962
India says China is occupying 38,000 square kilometers of territory in the Aksai Chin plateau in the western Himalayas, while China claims around 90,000 square kilometers in India's northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh. Fifteen rounds of talks have failed to resolve the dispute.
Despite occasional tensions, China has become India's biggest trading partner, with two-way trade jumping from $5 billion in 2002 to nearly $75 billion in 2011. Most of that trade is skewed in China's favor, another source of worry for India.
Editorial
TACKLING CORRUPTION
CBI, A ‘Caged Parrot’
Senior Congress leader Digvijaya Singh is a bit perturbed over the judiciary’s remark that the CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) is a ‘caged parrot.’ Like a typical politician/bureaucrat, who often misuses investigating agencies for personal/political gains, Singh wants the people in general to react to the apex court for “belittling our institutions.” The BJP has rightly and promptly advised Singh to “learn and understand” why there were a “series of scams” in the UPA government instead of “blaming the judiciary.”
Singh's remarks came in backdrop of the recent stinging criticism of the CBI by the apex court that the investigating agency is a "caged parrot" of its masters. The court had rapped the CBI for sharing the status report on coal allocation scam probe with law minister Ashwani Kumar and officials of PMO and coal ministry. BJP lost no time in launching an attack on the Congress leader for "blaming the highest judiciary". "If the morale of the CBI has been downgraded, it is only because of the rank abuse of the CBI by the government. CBI was deliberately not allowed to take up fair investigation,” BJP leader Ravishankar Prasad alleged.
Is Chamling wooing local media?
Gangtok, May 14: Chief Minister Pawan Chamling has now become more favourable to the local media.
He has not only made a contribution of Rs five lakhs towards the Sikkim Press Club’s Journalist Welfare Fund but has also promised to respond positively to demands placed before him by the local media.
A delegation of the Press Club met the Chief Minister and submitted a memorandum
demanding increase in advertisement rates (classified and display) for weekly and daily newspapers of the State issued by the Information and Public Relations Department.
While most local weeklies never get classified advertisements from the government the rate for display ads for weeklies is only Rs 5,500.
The Press Club has also urged Chamling to provide a site for construction of a press building in the capital.
“The Chief Minister …has given a positive nod” to the demands placed before him, a Press Club release said.  “My action shall speak,” said the chief Minister, according to the release.
Interestingly, Chamling also surprised local journalists when he met them during a press conference here recently.
Border alert in Arunachal, Sikkim after Ladakh incursion
New Delhi, May 14:  After Chinese Army intruded almost 19 kms into India from Ladakh region, an alert has been sounded along the Sino-Indian border, especially in Arunachal Pradesh. China has blocked Indian security forces’ access to three of the five patrol points in the Depsang plains in Ladakh.
The entry of Chinese troops into the strategically important Daulat Beg Oldi area has prompted anxiety that Beijing might resort to similar moves elsewhere in the country, Daily Bhaskar reported.
An official said that there are two areas where there could be challenges – one or two places in Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim, one place in Uttarakhand. Therefore, though no movement has been observed in the areas, the officials are vigilant.
Forward areas in northern Lohit district are said to be ‘highly unlikely’ to be under threat from incursions but Tawang is considered to be ‘vulnerable’, the official added.
Another area of concern is the Kibithu area in Anjaw district of Arunachal Pradesh. It is a spot best known for Dong, where the sun rises first in India and the access to patrol parties that India always wants ensured.
Sources in the security forces said that contrary to reports that patrolling has stopped in eastern Ladakh, patrol plans and patterns keep changing and the same is true for the Northeast as well. Advisories for heightened vigil have been sent, said the source.
Though Chinese continue to deny acknowledging an incursion, it is believed that China now wants a quick settlement of border dispute with India, an issue which has been hanging fire since 1962 border war.
The timing of Chinese incursion, coming before the visit of Premier Li’s visit to India, is expected to give Beijing an upper hand when the border issue is brought up next time.
The 4,057 km-long Line of Actual Control has created friction between the two neighbours since 1962 as both countries dispute each others’ territorial claims. Efforts to reach settlement in entirety have proved futile till now.
Manipur to intensify agitation on implementation of Inner Line Permit
Imphal, May 14: Stepping up the agitation for implementation of the Inner Line Permit in Manipur by May 31, a powerful local committee on Saturday said no non-Manipuri would be allowed to enter the State between June 1 to June 5 next. This would be the first phase of the agitation and in the second phase, no non-Manipuri would be allowed even in localities from June 6 to June 10.
Announcing this, the spokesman of Joint Committee on Inner Line Permit (JCILP) Sapamacha Jadumani said, "We are not against non-Manipuris but we urge the Centre and state government to implement the ILP system in Manipur to protect the separate identities of the indigenous people in the region."
The agitation, he claimed, was being supported by other social organizations, including different students organisations. Official sources said the government was aware of the proposed agitation by JCILP and efforts would be made to hold talks with its representatives on the issue, PTI reported.
The State Assembly had already passed a resolution some months ago asking the Centre to implement ILP in the State, official and JCILP sources said. While official sources said the Centre has been asked to take further action, JCILP sources said the matter has not been clearly placed before the Union Home Ministry and as a result the ministry has failed to take any concrete steps.
"We cannot remain silent on the issue although the state government has assured us (JCILP) that steps were being taken to fulfil our demand. The state government is not taking up any effective measures in this regard," JCILP sources said. The number of outsiders who have come to Manipur as labourers, manual workers, petty businessmen, traders and in other fields outnumber its tribal population in the hills. If this trend was not checked immediately, their number will soon outnumber the entire indigenous population of the state in the near future, they said. Different students bodies and organisations said in their statements said they would support the agitation by JCILP.


Tuesday, May 14, 2013


SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday   April 20-26,  2013   

Sikkim University foundation stone has finally been laid to rest!

President Pranab Mukherjee unveiling the plaque at the foundation stone laying ceremony of Sikkim University at Manan Kendra, Gangtok, on Tuesday (PIB).

Gangtok, April 19: Aggrieved landowners’ threat worked. President Pranab Mukherjee, who was to lay the foundation stone of Sikkim University, in Yangang, South Sikkim, on Tuesday failed to do the job. Instead, he was flown on a chopper from Namchi to Gangtok to unveil the plaque of the foundation stone.

The day after the President left here, Chief Minister Pawan Chamling, escorted by his cabinet members and ruling party supporters, on Thursday held another foundation laying ceremony in Yangang and finally placed the foundation stone at the university campus.

One local daily reported that the Chief Minister handed over the foundation stone to SU Vice-Chancellor Tanka B. Subba during the function at Yangang.

Sikkim University, established in 2007, continues to court controversy and the foundation laying episodes are a reminder that all’s not well with the concerned parties. Some members of a prominent family in Yangang, whose land has been acquired by the government for the SU, earlier issued notices to concerned parties, including government departments, regarding the illegal manner in which land was acquired by the government. If the issue is not settled amicably the concerned parties may take the matter to the court.

 The foundation stone laying ceremony of Sikkim University at its campus in Yangang by the President, scheduled for April 16, was abruptly cancelled at the last moment. A section of landowners from Yangang on April 12 threatened to go on hunger strike on the eve and during Mukherjee’s visit to Yangang.

“We again appeal the State government and Chief Minister Pawan Chamling to fulfill the promises given four years ago to the landowners of Yangyang before the private holdings were acquired for the university. If the State government continues to play with our future and demands, we will strongly protest against the government during the foundation stone laying function”, said Sunil Rai and other eight landowners.

“The protest is not against the President and the function but against the State government. The protest would start from April 15 with a fast. We will not vacate our lands until the promises made to us are fulfilled by the State government”, said the landowners.

They recalled that the State Government had promised suitable compensation, rehabilitation within Yangang and permanent employment in the university for members of those families whose lands were acquired.

While the authorities’ lame excuse for not holding the function in Yangang was due to lack of adequate space at the helipad in Yangang for the choppers to land the main reason was the threat given by some local residents of Yangang to register their protest against the State Government on issues relating to resettlement and employment of landowners during the President’s visit.

The symbolic laying of the foundation stone ceremony held in Gangtok on April 16 was officially declared as a “token” function. The President actually unveiled the plaque of the foundation stone during the function in Gangtok at Manan Kenra.

Speaking at the function, Mukherjee said Sikkim University has the potential to emerge as a hub of knowledge, research and innovation for countries of South East Asia as well as rest of India.  

The President paid a brief visit to MG Marg, where he offered a khada to the bust of Mahatma Gandhi. He was welcomed by a delegation of local businessmen during this visit.

On Tuesday, the President inaugurated the Siddheshwara Dhaam at Solopokh near Namchi in South Sikkim.

Only Golay to decide on alliance with Cong: SKM

Gangtok, April 19: The newly-formed Sikkim Krantikari Morcha (SKM) has indicated that only its leader PS Golay will decide whether to align with the Congress party in the State for the ensuing Assembly polls, scheduled for early 2014.

Reacting to SPCC President NB Bhandari’s reported decision to severe ties with the Democratic Alliance of Sikkim (DAS) and his readiness to align with Golay, SKM spokesman MN Dahal said only Golay will decide on the issue.

Briefing reporters here at a press conference, Dahal said when Golay officially takes over the party as its chief the issue of electoral alliance with the Congress party will be taken up.

Last week, Bhandari said he was willing to hold talks with the SKM to take on the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) in the next Assembly elections.

Meanwhile, Golay has been touring the State with his ‘Parivartan’ (change) campaign. During his tour of the SDF bastion of South Sikkim this week, Golay said, “I am strong enemy of corruption,” hinting that corruption would be one of the main political issues of his party.

Though Golay formed his SKM in February this year he is legally still a ruling party MLA. According to reports, Golay is likely to switch over to SKM soon. As of now, many are still adopting a wait-and-watch attitude towards the SKM.

Caste combination will play a vital role in 2014 Assembly polls
Jigme N Kazi
Chief Minister Pawan Chamling’s 19-year rule in the former kingdom has never been easy. He is now faced with the biggest political challenge of his tenure; his protégé and four-term legislator Prem Singh Tamang (Golay), who has been defying his diktats for quite some time and with considerable success, has already formed his own political outfit to dislodge him.
     If you carefully analyze SDF’s performance in the last two Assembly polls held in 2004 and 2009 the party was lucky to have come to power and luckier to have ‘won’ 31 and all the 32 seats in the last two polls respectively. But while SDF claims to have got the ‘mandate’ of the people the level of support that it got during the last two Assembly polls is not too impressive.
For instance, in the 2004 Assembly polls, the former chief minister Nar Bahadur Bhandari-led Congress party got almost 30 per cent of the votes polled although it secured only one seat, the lone Sangha, in the Assembly. It must reminded that in the 2004 Assembly polls the SDF ‘won’ four seats even before the poll date that made a huge difference in favour of SDF. The nomination papers of three candidates of the Congress party were rejected in the SDF bastion of south district. One of Congress party’s tribal candidates, Palden Bhutia, was ‘kidnapped’ when he went to file his nomination papers in Mangan, headquarters of north district.
    But despite the tough situation that the Congress faced in the 2004 polls the fact that nearly 30 per cent of the voters voted for the party cannot easily by bypassed. Much the same situation prevailed in the 2009 Assembly polls when the Congress and the combined opposition received nearly 35 per cent of the votes polled.
    Golay’s new party – Sikkim Krantikari Morcha – is expected to make a dent into the SDF vote-bank, which was initially mainly the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) such as Limbus, Tamangs, Rais, Mangars and Gurungs, who belong to the majority Nepali community. However, the Tamangs and Limbus are now included in the State’s list of Scheduled Tribes along with the Bhutias and Lepchas. The blame for failure of the concerned authorities to secure Assembly seat reservation for Tamangs and Limbus as STs will be placed squarely on the Chamling Government, which promised reservation of seats for the two communities.
   Of all the communities in Sikkim the Bhutias, who once ruled the former kingdom for nearly eight hundred years, have been on the receiving end during Chamling’s tenure as chief minister. Their support is vital for anyone to come to power. Due to Chamling’s failure to scrap mega hydel projects in Dzongu – a Lepcha reserve – as demanded by the Lepchas, the Lepchas remain a disenchanted lot with the present dispensation.
   Despite the State Congress party chief NB Bhandari’s failure to take Chamling head-on he still commands support among a sizable section of his own Bahun-Chettri community. However, Bhandari’s recent appeal for unity among the opposition to take on Chamling found few takers. If Golay’s new party gets a respectable following in the State Bhandari may be forced to make an offer that the rebel ruling party leader may find it difficult to refuse.
Even veteran politician Ram Chandra Poudyal, who still has a respectable following among the Bahun-Chettris, said recently, “I will support Golay if he proves that he is capable of leading a united front to dislodge Chamling.”
Politics in Sikkim has always been based on ethnic/caste combinations and this time, too, this factor will play a major role in the outcome of the 2014 Assembly elections.
Editorial
SIKKIMESE UNITY
Bhandari And Golay Must Come Together
The ensuing Assembly elections in Sikkim, slated for early 2014, is perhaps the most important exercise in the democratic process for the survival and success of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people. Betrayed several times by those who made tall promises but failed to perform, the Sikkimese people are now in desperate need of people who can be trusted to save them from oblivion. If the next lot of elected representatives in the Assembly become mere puppets and let one man rule supreme in Sikkim the future of coming generations of Sikkimese people is not only very bleak but there would be no future for them in their homeland.
And that is why the political leadership of the Opposition must play a vital role for the long-term interest of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people. Former Chief Minister NB Bhandari has reportedly taken the lead in extending an olive branch to ruling party’s dissident leader Prem Singh Tamang (Golay). If this is a fact then it is a welcome move. Golay must respond positively. The two may not come together in a single party but a common platform may be formed to go ahead in the same direction. Priority must be placed in choosing right candidates to take on the ruling party. Money-power can only be fought by people-power. This has been Sikkim’s experience in the past three and half decades.
How India and US put an end to Sikkim’s distinct international status
By PRASHANT JHA
From confidently predicting that India would not incorporate Sikkim to reporting on its merger in 1975, the U.S. watched events closely but adopted a hands-off approach. Sikkim’s demise was a joint venture of the two largest democracies – US and India.

(L to R) Kewal Singh, Foreign Secretary, Government of India, Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal and Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa during the signing of the Government of Sikkim Act 1974 in Gangtok on July 4, 1974 (Pix: The Hindu)

When protests first broke out in Sikkim in 1973, India stepped in and took over the internal administration of the then kingdom. This went beyond the 1950 India-Sikkim treaty, which had given Delhi control only over Gangtok’s external affairs, defence and communication.
Many saw it as an instance of Indian “expansionism,” but the United States believed that the protests were “spontaneous,” and India had not engineered the troubles but only “taken advantage of it.” It predicted Sikkim would remain an Indian protectorate. A year-and-a-half later, when India first made Sikkim an associate state, the Americans were taken aback. By the middle of 1975, the U.S. had come around to accepting Sikkim’s integration into India as “natural.”
In those two years, U.S. representatives in New Delhi, Calcutta, Hong Kong, Kathmandu, London, Washington and New York exchanged over 250 diplomatic cables on Sikkim. These are as a part of the “Kissinger Cables,” now made available by WikiLeaks. From these cables, The Hindu has pieced together the fascinating picture of the troubles in Sikkim, as seen through American eyes.
The 1973 spring
On April 9, 1973, the Government told the Lok Sabha that a polarisation had developed between “the Maharaja of Sikkim on one side and the popularly elected political leaders and masses on the other.” The Chogyal, as the monarch was known, had then requested India “to take over the administration of the whole of Sikkim.”
The next day, Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan wrote in a cable (1973NEWDE04127_b, confidential) that “basic elements for discontent” were already there. The Indians, he said, were unlikely to allow the Chogyal to “take back even the limited internal administrative responsibility.” But the long-term problem for India would be to devise a “representational system that will satisfy the 75 percent Nepali majority, protect rights of indigenous minority, and preserve Chogyal as titular chief of state.” The Ambassador predicted India would “prefer to preserve” the existing treaty relationship rather than incorporate Sikkim, as it provides them “ample defense and administrative flexibility,” while avoiding adding “new troubled tribal/linguistic element” to the polity. In another cable, two days later, (1973NEWDE04291_b, confidential), the Ambassador argued that Indian action may have “saved the position of the Chogyal,” and urged that charges against India not be taken “at face value.”
But others were sceptical. A Sikkimese princess blamed “low-level Indian intelligence agents” for stirring up trouble (1973HONGK03595_b, limited official use). An Indian journalist said he had heard from a West Bengal MP, who was told by an MEA official, that Indian action was also a “deliberate message to Nepal and Bhutan” (1973NEWDE04833_b, limited official use).
The power-shift
An agreement in May between India, the Chogyal, and Sikkim parties committed to a “fully responsible government in Sikkim with a more democratic constitution...elections based on adult suffrage which will give equitable representation to all sections.” In January 1974, India’s Election Commission proposed a 32-member Assembly for Sikkim. Elections in April resulted in an overwhelming mandate for the pro-India Sikkim Congress, led by Kazi Lhendup Dorji. In June, the elected Assembly passed a new constitution and a resolution on economic integration with India.
In a cable on June 21, 1974 (1974NEWDE08298_b, confidential), U.S. diplomats noted that the constitution reduced the Chogyal to a titular role, and endorsed India’s “extensive authority” in internal Sikkim affairs. The Chogyal now had few options left — to abdicate, to leave the country without formally abdicating, to remain a constitutional monarch, or organise clandestine opposition from among minorities. “Prospects for the long-term survival of the Royal House do not look good.”
The Chogyal rejected the constitution, sparking protests from both sides. The U.S. now felt India would not hesitate to “invoke power” to declare the constitution if the Chogyal did not consent(1974NEWDE08366_b, confidential). U.S. diplomats in India, in communication with the State Department, hoped the “U.S. government can avoid any official comment” since Sikkim had “no international status,” and elections reflected the will of the Nepali-majority. These developments, it noted, would have taken place 25 years ago “had Nehru, in a fit of sentiment, not decided against Vallabhai Patel’s advice to provide a special status for the mountain kingdom.”
After failed attempts to stall the constitution, and a strong message by India to pay heed to the majority wishes, the Chogyal signed on to the new arrangement.
From associate ...
The next twist in the Sikkim saga happened in September. The government introduced a Constitution Amendment Bill in the Parliament which declared Sikkim shall be “associated with India”; and give the State two seats in Parliament.
This marked a rupture. In a cable on September 4 (1974NEWDE11760_b, secret), the Embassy in New Delhi said it shared the “general uncertainty” about why India was moving so “swiftly”, given that an MEA official had told the U.S. they had no intention of “altering the protectorate relationship with Sikkim”, and Chogyal had done little to prompt India to “degrade his status” further. Perhaps, the cable speculated, India had come across “less conspicuous evidence that Chogyal and his supporters are secretly plotting against Indian authorities, perhaps with Chinese encouragement”.
The next day, on September 5 (1974NEWDE11835_b, confidential), the U.S. said that while Indian motivations were “murky”, “Sikkim was now a part of India”.
The State Department chose not to publicly comment when asked about developments in Sikkim the following week. This was noted by the MEA, which appreciated that the U.S. had been sensitive to “GOI concerns on the issue” (1974NEWDE12115_b, confidential).
…to India’s 22nd state
On April 10, 1975, the U.S. Embassy in Delhi reported that India had “disbanded” the Chogyal’s palace guard in Gangtok, and he was under “house arrest” (1975NEWDE04815_b, confidential). The Sikkim Congress had “proposed what appeared to be full integration of Sikkim into the Indian Union of States” and called for abolition of the “oppresive and undemocratic institution of the Chogyal for all times”.
In a cable the next day (1975NEWDE04921_b, confidential), U.S. diplomats reported that the Sikkim Assembly had now abolished the institution of the Chogyal and declared itself to be a “constituent unit” of India. The U.S. continued to feel that India “was being forced into taking actions it would rather not take”, but if it had to choose between the Kazi and Chogyal, it would “opt for the people”. A referendum on April 14 supported the Sikkim Congress stand.
Through the endgame, the U.S. stuck to its “hands-off” approach. On April 16, 1975, a signed cable from Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, reiterated the position (1975STATE086460_b, confidential), explaining that criticism of India may be welcomed in “Nepal, Pakistan or China” but would not be “productive” and only create “new and serious bilateral problems” and potentially heighten “tensions in the Himalayas”.
On May 16, with presidential assent, Sikkim became India’s 22nd State. In a thoughtful cable the same day (1975NEWDE06554_b, confidential), U.S. diplomats noted the immediate factors that had led to the merger, but emphasised that it was the outcome of a “century-long historical process” and had an element of “geographic inevitability”. (The Hindu)
IHM bids farewell to 3rd year students
Gangtok, April 19: The Institute of Hotel Management (IHM) Principal, JT Gyaltsen, said he was happy that more and more students from the State are now joining the institute unlike before when most of the students were from outside the State.
Speaking at the Annual Celebration Day-cum-Farewell for the 3rd year students at Sajong, Rumtek, yesterday, Gyaltsen said the performance of the 3rd and 1st year students was “excellent”. He added that job placement for the outgoing students is “100%”.
Zilla Panchayat President Lhakpa Doma, the chief guest of the function, spoke of the need to be disciplined and punctual in all aspects of the students’ life.
The cultural programme organized by 1st year students was most entertaining and unique as it was held in an informal atmosphere involving most of the students who took part in a variety of programmes.
Some of the outgoing students spoke of their time at the institute and thanked the Principal and members of the staff for their help and guidance.
Distribution of prizes and awards, including certificates for outgoing and meritorious students, was also a part of the annual function.

Sunday, May 12, 2013


The delay in sending this could not be avoided: Jigme N Kazi

HIMALAYAN GUARDIAN     Wednesday April  17-23, 2013  
Hollywood star Richard Gere, US senators may visit Gangtok next week

Gangtok, April 16: Hollywood superstar Richard Gere and some US senators may visit Sikkim next week to attend the wedding of the daughter of a prominent Tibetan leader.
Sources said the wedding is due to take place in Gangtok on April 24. This will be Gere’s first visit to the tiny Himalayan State if ever the visit comes through.
A lot of preparations are on for the star-studded wedding, it is learnt. Gere, a longtime Buddhist and friend of the Dalai Lama, is also one of the leading supporters of the Tibetan cause.
There is likely to be a seminar on Buddhism in Gangtok during Gere’s visit, sources said.
Top Chinese leader meets Panchen Lama
Stresses on unity of ethnic groups in China

Panchen Lama with Chinese leader Bainqen Erdini Qoigyijabu in Beijing last Friday (right)

Beijing, April 16: China's top political advisor on Friday met the 11th Panchen Lama, , a spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism, in Beijing's Great Hall of the People.
Yu Zhengsheng, chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the country's top political advisory body, heard a report by the Panchen Lama on his life and work since he was enthroned in 1995, Xinhua reported.
The 11th Panchen Lama told Yu that he will carry forward his predecessors' long-upheld tradition of patriotism and love of the religion, and stick to his duties of serving believers. He said he will live up to the expectations of the country.
Yu, who is also a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, praised and congratulated the Panchen Lama on his marked progress in Buddhist research and cultural and ethic aspects. He noted that his guest has behaved in a good style as a Living Buddha of Tibetan Buddhism.
Social prosperity and stability is important for the healthy development of the religion, according to Yu.
He said Tibetan Buddhist circles should follow Buddhist doctrines and abide by the law, thus playing a positive role in the economic and social development of Tibet Autonomous Region as well as Tibetan-inhabited regions in the four provinces of Sichuan, Gansu, Qinghai and Yunnan.
Yu expressed hope that the Panchen Lama will further efforts in not only research of academic works on Buddhist doctrines but also science and cultural learning. He called on the Panchen Lama to remain concerned about the motherland and its people and resolutely safeguard national unification and the unity of all ethnic groups.
The Panchen Lama, who turned 23 in February, was elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the CPPCC National Committee last month.
Editorial
HIMALAYAN RIVERS
Taking A New Look
The great Himalayan rivers of South Asia, particularly the Ganges and Brahmaputra, have been the subject of five decades of discussion between governments of the region. While the discussions have continued, these rivers have contributed, through flood and drought, to the uncertainty and impoverishment of the lives of the largest concentration of poor people anywhere in the world. Their chances for prosperity can be increased by harnessing the potential of these rivers for irrigation and power, by controlling their perils (such as floods), and managing them in the face of increasing demands and threats to supplies from climate change.
A set of climatic and social changes has transformed the context for cooperation over the Himalayan rivers. Previous negotiations engaged rivers on the assumption that these waterways had stable futures, that social interaction with the rivers was guided by the demands of agrarian economies and that transboundary negotiations could be approached through traditional diplomacy. At the beginning of the 21st century, these three assumptions have changed. Glacial melting and climate change have undermined the assumption that these rivers hold a stable future. The rapid growth of industrial economies in India and China will change the predominant social demands on the rivers from those of agrarian societies to those of industrial ones, and will insert China as a possible major player in the discussion. Government diplomacy is expanding to include commercial actors and is deepening through the rise of civil-society interactions.
Search for the “Lost Tribe of Tibetan Pygmies”

Since his exploration of the world’s deepest canyon in Tibet in the 1990’s, Richard Fisher has been researching the existence of an unknown tribe of Mongolide pygmies in the tri-border region of China, Tibet, and Myanmar. This year, Fisher has confirmed that a unique tribe of pygmies, the T’rung, lives in the Dulongjiang Canyon of Tibet, hidden from the outside and unknown by the western world until now. Today there are over 5,000 T’rung people living in six designated villages within the canyon.
Formerly, the Taron (T’rung) tribe of Myanmar/Burma was scientifically defined as the only tribe of Mongolide pygmies after its discovery in the 1960s. By the 1990s, scientists claimed that the tribe was near extinction, having succumbed to genetic diseases. At the same time, Fisher had encountered families in the Dulongjuiang Canyon area that were extremely short in stature, yet otherwise perfectly formed humans. When he learned about the Taron pygmies in 2004, he decided further research was needed to learn if other similar tribes existed in the area.
The T’rung are a peaceful people; they are increasingly educated, provided with basic health care , and as tribes across the world have done, are increasingly looking to and integrating into the outside world.
The images from the Dulongjiang Canyon and T’rung people offer us a glimpse into an untouched and fascinating world most of us have never seen. Documenting the images and customs of this tribe is essential to preserving the history of these people. In recent years, the T’rung have begun to have more substantial contact with the outside world. In addition, the T’rung people are increasingly intermarrying with other ethnic groups.
Time is of the essence to record the history and culture of this unique tribe. Not only will this encourage the sharing of human experience, but the micro-population of this isolated canyon also allows us to learn more about the process of human evolution. It is important to document this unique world and its people while we still can. (http://research.calacademy.org/calwild/2003fall/stories/burma.html)
Landowners’ threat stops Prez from laying foundation stone for Sikkim University in Yangang

Gangtok, April 16: The foundation stone laying ceremony of Sikkim University at its campus in Yangang, South district, by President Pranab Mukherjee, scheduled for today, was abruptly cancelled at the last moment.
While the authorities say this was because of lack of adequate space at the helipad in Yangang for the choppers to land the main reason could be threat given by some local residents of Yangang to register their protest against the State Government on issues relating to resettlement and employment of landowners during the President’s visit.
However, a symbolic laying of the foundation stone ceremony, which was officially declared as a “token” function, was held in Gangtok at Manan Kendra by the President on Tuesday.
Speaking on the occasion, Mukherjee said Sikkim University has the potential to emerge as a hub of knowledge, research and innovation for countries of South East Asia as well as rest of India.
He recollected the great universities of ancient India which attracted students and teachers from across the world and said India can resume its ancient glory if we give sufficient emphasis to education.


President Pranab Mukherjee unveiling the plaque at the foundation stone laying ceremony of Sikkim University at Manan Kendra, Gangtok, on April 16, 2013. (PIB)

Mukherjee called upon the authorities, students and faculty of Sikkim University to play a leading role in taking the university into the ranks of the best in the world.
A section of landowners from Yangang on Friday threatened to go on hunger strike on the eve and during Mukherjee’s visit to Yangang. Mukherjee was supposed to lay the foundation stone during his visit to the State today. He only visited Namchi and Gangtok.
 “We again appeal the State government and Chief Minister Pawan Chamling to fulfill the promises given four years ago to the landowners of Yangyang before the private holdings were acquired for the university. If the State government continues to play with our future and demands, we will strongly protest against the government during the foundation stone laying function”, said Sunil Rai and other eight landowners.
“The protest is not against the President and the function but against the State government. The protest would start from April 15 with a fast. We will not vacate our lands until the promises made to us are fulfilled by the State government”, said the landowners.
They recalled that the State Government had promised suitable compensation, rehabilitation within Yangang and permanent employment in the university for members of those families whose lands were acquired.
Panel has misled govt on Tashiding power project
Tseten Tashi Bhutia

Gangtok, April 16: Former Minister and Convenor of Sikkim Bhutia-Lepcha Apex Committee (SIBLAC), Tseten Tashi Bhutia, has reiterated his demand for scrapping of the ‘anti-Buddhist’ 97 MW Tashiding hydro project in West Sikkim.
In a press statement, Bhutia has challenged Law Secretary RK Purkayastha’s recommendation to the State Government that since Rs 150 crores have already been spent on the project it may not be advisable to stop it at this stage.
SIBLAC chief said bureaucrats such as Purkayastha was misguiding the government. He said prominent religious figures of the State such as Dodupchen Rinpoche and the late Lachen Rinpoche should have been consulted before embarking on such a project in sacred West Sikkim, which is of great importance to Sikkim’s history and cultural heritage.
SIBLAC as also lambasted Ecclesiastical Affairs Secretary T. Gelek for being a part of a committee that misled the State Government on the project. Bhutia has rejected the committee’s recommendation that the State Government has to pay Rs 150 crores towards expenses incurred if ever the project is scrapped.
Meanwhile, the Sikkim High Court has adjourned hearing on the petition seeking the scrapping of the Tashiding hydro project.
The Division Bench comprising the Chief Justice Pius Chakkalayil Kuriakose and Justice SP Wangdi on April 10 noted that there was already an interim order of the court in force in relation with the seeking of the stay order after two petitioners pressed for a stay order on work on the project underway in West Sikkim.
The bench, which gave time to the state for submitting its views by May 10, also noted any work underway at the project site, if any, would be at the expense and risk of the project developer and the state would not be liable for such costs and expenditures incurred.
Manipur militants call for boycott of Prez visit
Imphal, April 16: Six Manipuri rebel groups have called for a boycott of the President Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to Manipur. The Coordinating Committee (CorCom) of the outfits - KCP, KYKL, PREPAK, PREPAK (Pro), RPF and UNLF - has called a 26-hour general strike with effect from 6 am on Monday. The President was expected to visit Manipur on the same day.
Police commandos launched a massive combing operation on Thursday in the Chingmeirong area of Imphal in view of militants' call to boycott President Pranab Mukherjee's visit to Manipur on Apri 15.
The six rebel outfits that have made the boycott call are fighting to restore Manipur's past sovereignty. They said Mukherjee's visit is yet another ploy of New Delhi to continue its domination of the erstwhile independent Manipur.
"As the head of the nation, the President should be held responsible for killing of innocent Manipuris by the Indian security forces and for the narcotics warfare triggered by New Delhi with the ultimate objective to suppress the youths of Manipur," charged CorCom in a statement.
On his maiden visit to the State as President, Mukherjee, besides unveiling the jubilee's plaque of Adimjati Shiksha Ashram, is also scheduled to lay the foundation stones of the ashram's boys' hostel, a community hall and a working women's hostel. Notably, the ashram was set up in 1952 at the initiative of India's first President, Dr Rajendra Prasad.
INTERVIEW Bhaichung Bhutia
“Domestic football scene has to improve”

Bhaichung Bhutia is India’s most famous soccer player. He spearheaded the national team’s attack between 1995 and 2011, scoring 43 goals in 105 appearances. Bhutia was also the first Indian to play professional soccer in Europe, turning out for the English club Bury in 1999. But his most memorable performances came in Indian club soccer, especially while playing for Kolkata arch rivals East Bengal and Mohun Bagan.
Now as an entrepreneur, Bhutia has brought joy to his home state of Sikkim with his club United Sikkim, making it to the top tier of India’s soccer league. He also recently was appointed as the chairman of the technical committee of the All India Football Federation.
In Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, Bhutia spoke to SM Mustafi for India Ink about life since retirement and his thoughts on Indian soccer from the other side of the touchline.

SM Mustafi: Tell us about your journey with United Sikkim. How did it come about?
Bhaichung Bhutia: I was born and brought up in Sikkim, and we have a big following for soccer here – it is the only game that’s played. Since the I-League [India's professional soccer league] started in 2007, small tournaments like the Governor’s Gold Cup here in Sikkim started dying out. So big teams and players stopped coming here, and people were deprived from watching them. The only way to bring top soccer to Sikkim was to have a club from here competing in the I-League. It was not easy to get funds for the club because we hardly have any industries or corporates based out of here. But I got some investors from Dubai to fund the club, and that is how it started.
Q: Was it difficult to convince players, both domestic and foreign, to play for your club? Are they happy being here in Sikkim?
A: When we started in second division, it was a challenge to bring good players to a small place like Sikkim. But I had played for India and knew the players, so I convinced them to sign for United Sikkim.
The foreigners are adjusting pretty well here. The biggest problem they face is that every time we go out of Sikkim, they have to wait for one hour at Rangpo [a town on the state border] for their permit to get sorted. Especially for the Nigerian players it’s been tough because the central government has put in many restrictions for them – they should make it different for tourists and sportspersons. We are trying to work with the government to find a solution. But apart from this they are very happy with Sikkim. It’s clean and green, so they enjoy it.
Q: Manipur, which is a neighboring state, has been sending quite a few players to the national team, but not Sikkim. Why is that?
A: In Manipur, both the environment and infrastructure for sport is better than Sikkim. We need more fields to play on and more age group tournaments. In the last three or four years we have got better. We now have two players playing for India. Also in Manipur, parents want their kids to be sportspersons, while in Sikkim most prefer their children to study and get government jobs. And the rest of India is far behind these northeastern states in parental support for sports. Here, 90 percent of the children come from humble backgrounds and sports is a way out for almost every kid who is playing.
Q: Indian soccer has shown no signs of improvement despite initiatives like the I-League. We are still ranked 167th in the latest FIFA rankings. What’s going wrong?
A: You have to look at what’s wrong with the structure of Indian soccer. The reason the I-League has not taken off is that the game has not spread across the country. That can only happen if more clubs like United Sikkim and Lajong FC [from Shillong] are successful. Otherwise, it will just be clubs from Kolkata, Goa and Mumbai. So the same clubs play each other in the local leagues and then the I-League. It’s not surprising that people lose interest.
Q: Since you became the first Indian to play in Europe, others have not followed in your footsteps. Why?
A: Look, everyone wants to play in Europe. But they got to have the opportunity and the confidence. Unless we do well internationally, we will not get chances, and the domestic football scene has to improve. Unless we get results, we will not get opportunities.
Q: You played for both the Kolkata rivals at different stages of your career. Any favorites?
A: I have good relations with both clubs, but I started my career in East Bengal, so they definitely have a special place in my heart.