1992:
Chamling and Sikkim Observer 'dismissed'!
After I met Bhandari in December 1991, I tried to
analyse why he had taken the initiative to open a dialogue with me. Did
Bhandari really want to help me or was there more to it than met the eye?
Activities of politicians, particularly those impetuous ones like Bhandari,
have to be understood in the context of the prevailing political situation they
are faced with. The political scenario during the months that preceded my
meeting with Bhandari show that he was having a rough time, perhaps the
toughest time since he returned to power in 1985.
Bhandari’s
admission in the third week of November 1991 that the Centre was trying to
destablise his government came at a time when dissidents within the SSP were
secretly working with the Congress (I) to topple him. The holding of the
NECC(I) meeting in Gangtok on September 1991 and the sudden visits of many
influential Central leaders, including Union ministers and Central Congress (I)
functionaries, to Sikkim, coupled with the aggressive mood of the local unit of
the Congress, provided enough indications to the SSP dissidents that the Centre
was quite serious about Bhandari’s ouster.
What made
matters worse for Bhandari were reports that Information and Public Relations
(IPR) Minister Pawan Chamling, who was gradually being projected as an OBC
leader, along with Chamla Tshering, Tourism Minister and a tribal leader, were
coming together to oust him. The two reportedly had at least 20 of the 32 MLAs
with them. These developments also meant that the tribals and the OBCs (matwalis or Mongoloid Nepalese), two of
the State’s most powerful groups, which constituted at least 80% of the State’s
population, were coming together and joining hands to pave way for Bhandari’s
ultimate downfall. These developments were viewed with great concern by a
section of the ruling party which felt that such developments were a direct
threat to Bhandari and the upper-caste Nepalese, particularly the Pradhans who
were firmly entranched in the State administration.
Even as the
opposition and the dissidents were mounting pressure on Bhandari, what
aggravated the situation was the publication and mass circulation of a
scandalous pamphlet against Mr. and Mrs. Bhandari, alleging that while the
latter was having extra-maritial affairs in Delhi, where she normally resided,
her husband, with whom she was having an estranged relationship, was suffering
from the dreaded disease – AIDS.
This not only greatly embrarrassed the couple,
it also put the Chief Minister in a tight spot. The opposition was attacking
him on both fronts – politically and personally. This naturally evoked strong
reactions from the Chief Minister, who at once ordered the arrest of all those
allegedly involved in the publication of the pamphlet. Six persons, including
opposition leaders and a journalist (Rajendra Baid) from Siliguri in north
Bengal, who were allegedly involved in publication of the pamphlet, were arrested
in the third week of October 1991. The political situation in Sikkim became
very tense after their arrest.
The arrest
and torture of Baid in the hands of Sikkim police was condemned by the national
media in no uncertain terms. While Baid received wide publicity, Bhandari’s
high-handedness in the State was fully exposed in most national dailies and
journals. The crackdown on the opposition in Sikkim had certainly boomeranged
and Bhandari’s image, particularly among the national media and Central leaders,
hit an all time low. Bhandari’s action fully justified allegations that there
was no democracy in Sikkim and that the State was run by a ruthless dictator.
Even as he
was facing attacks from the media and the opposition, Bhandari’s greatest
threat came from within his own party. Dissension within the ruling party
legislators was simmering, and with the Congress party’s active encouragement,
it gradually surfaced. For the first time in recent years, the “smiling
dictator” knew he was in deep trouble.
When Bhandari
returned from Delhi in November-end, he at once called for a press conference
and denied reports that there were dissidents in his party. To prove it, he
literally paraded Chamling and Chamla in front of the press at the press
conference in Gangtok on November 27. Whatever plans they may have had, the two
ministers during the press conference pledged their support and loyalty to the
Chief Minister. Bhandari had obviously read my report in the Statesman on dissdent acvities in his
party.
Referring to a report in a Calcutta daily
(though he didn’t make a mention of it, he was obviously referring to the Statesman), Chamling in his press
statement given after the CM’s press conference, denied reports that he was
leading a rebel group of MLAs against Bhandari. When I asked him the next
morning how he could deny my report which was based on his own claims of having
12 MLAs on his side, he had nothing much to say. Though I was convinced that
Chamling was waiting for the right moment to strike Bhandari, I felt he should
have taken a firmer stand even if some his colleagues were a bit hesitant.
It is
important to note that my friend, the messenger from Mintokgang, met me on the
day Bhandari gave the press conference in Mayur Hotel. It was November 27,
1991. Either something had transpired in Delhi during the CM’s stay there or he
was provoked by my report in the Statesman.
It could be that Bhandari did not want to further antagonize me and wanted to
help me with the press and the paper, which had folded up from the beginning of
November 1991. It could also be that he wanted to adopt a ‘carrot and stick’
method to deal with me. If I rejected his offer, his next line of action may
have been to finish me physically.
This was how
I viewed the situation at that time and adopted a strategy to take things easy.
I wanted to give the impression that I was not too rigid in my stand and would
be prepared to accept something from the government, while in reality, not
taking anything at all. In this way I could wriggle out of the situation without
disappointing anybody and yet maintain my independence.
On my return
from my long holiday from south India, I was surprised to find out that I had
been elected the President of the Sikkim Press Association (SPA). My initial
reaction to the new development within the SPA was that of suspicion and doubt.
What was the press upto this time? Was the ruling party behind it? I at once
set out to find out the facts for myself. To my pleasant surprise, I discovered
that local journalists themselves had taken the initiative to form a strong and
united press in the State. They, therefore, wanted to revive the SPA, which was
then almost defunct as most of the active members had resigned due to unhealthy
developments within the press.
I was glad to
find out that the initiative to revive the SPA and to make me its President was
genuine and had come from within the press and was not at all
politically-motivated. It was, however, difficult to believe that members of
the press in Sikkim had, at long last, come to their senses. The new development was very encouraging as I
did not expect much from most journalists in the State. But despite their
weaknesses and shortcomings, they realized the need to come together and form a
strong and united press body in Sikkim.
This was an
indication that we had learnt something from past mistakes. Being
pro-government did not serve much purpose for many journalists. Their closeness
to the government not only damaged their professional image, but financialy,
too, they were not doing well. Even if they were not able to become one, they
realized the importance of being completely independent in their outlook. Soon
after my return from my holiday, we called for a general meeting of the SPA
where I accepted the responsibility of leading the Association and urged
everyone to work together in the best spirit.
This time I
was genuinely interested in helping not only the press body but each and every
journalist in the State. My much-improved rapport with the Chief Minister
helped us to create a better working relations with the government. The Chief
Minister’s response to our numerous suggestions was also positive and for a
while it seemed that a new era for government-press relations had begun.
To celebrate
the occasion, we organized a picnic party on March 1, 1992. The Chief Minister,
Chief Secretary P.K. Pradhan, Information and Public Relations Secretary Palden
Gyamtso and others also joined us on the occasion. As part of our programme,
the SPA made a short trip to Nepal and Assam. These visits enabled us to come
into closer contact with members of our profession in the region. For the first
time, the SPA was able to get a five-room office in the town area which
certainly was a big achievement. A common meeting place for local journalists
in the State capital was what was needed and, for the first time, this
requirement was met.
And for a
while everything seemed to be going well for us. Expectely, there were
allegations that the press was “bought over” by Bhandari. However, we did not
pay much heed to it as we knew for ourselves where we stood and what we wanted
to achieve. We realized the importance of having a strong and united press in
Sikkim and if anyone was willing to help achieve thait aim we would welcome it.
But the press would be free and independent and there would be no compromise on
the basic ideals and interests of the press. The Chief Minister himself was on
record of having stated to a delegation of the SPA, which called on him in
February 1992, that he was for a ‘srong and united’ press in the State. We were
deeply hopeful that the CM would honour his promise and were determined if he
didn’t he should eat his words.
The Observer’s report on May 23, 1992, gave
a vivid picture of the mood of the press in the State in early 1992: “The
general interest and enthusiasm within the press circle received further
motivation with the acquisition of a five-room office of the SPA. Another
meeting with the Chief Minister was held recently where the SPA put up several
suggestions pertaining to various matters of the press. The government is now
all set to grant State Government accreditation to journalists, increase
advertisement rates, help towards circulation of local papers, provide more job
works for local printing presses which are run by journalists and may even
provide land and loan for construction of a press building in the State.”
The new atmosphere enabled me to approach
the government to undertake printing of my paper in the government printing press
department until I was able to establish my own unit. The government press had
just installed its off-set printing unit with desk-top publishing (DTP) system
and I felt that it would an ideal situation for me if the government would
allow me to print the Observer at its
new unit for a few months. In the first week of May, I requested the IPR
(Information and Public Relations) Secretary to help me with the publication of
my paper on a temporary basis.
In a letter to the IPR Secretrary, dated May
8, 1992, I wrote: “The Sikkim Observer
is likely to hit the stands soon and for this we would like to know if the
government press could undertake the printing of the newspaper temporarily.
Presently, we are making arrangements to get our own off-set printing press
with desk-top printing system. As we would like to resume publication of the
paper soon and as our printing unit is yet to be established, we would like to
seek the help of your department in this regard for at least 4 to 6 monhts.
Sir, you are well aware that when the government printing press has been facing
some problems, it was the local printing presses which came to your aid and
undertook the printing of the government organ, Sikkim Herald. We are confidant that the government will respond positively
to our request. This would not only help us personally but would go a long way
in creating better relations between the government and the press and for the
growth and development of the Fourth Estate in our State.”
“Rising Up Once More” is the way we
captioned a short note in the “Letter from the Publisher’ column of the Observer in its first issue, dated May
23, 1992. The paper was printed at the government press. The letter stated:
“This issue of the Sikkim Observer
comes to you after almost seven months. The paper was forced to suspend its
publication in October-November last when no printers in the State and the
region were willing to undertake the printing work for fear of interference from
outside elements. It may be also recalled that in 1990 also the paper was off
the stands for another seven months. The circumstances in which the paper was
forced to close down was almost the same. Yet another attempt has been made to
bring out the paper and we are deeply grateful and happy that the Sikkim
Government Press has undertaken to temporarily do the printing work for us
until we get out own printing press set up which we hope will be very soon. We
expect our paper to come out regularly from now but our readers should bear
with us if we falter a bit in trying to rise up once more.”
The printing of the Observer at the government press caused some controversy. I had
anticipated this but did not give much thought to it and went right ahead with
my work and refused to even listen the baseless allegations that I was “with
the ruling party”. I was convinced that what I was doing was in the best
interest of my profession, my paper and the people of Sikkim. My closeness with
the CM did not affect my credibility. I was convinced that the people of
Sikkim, including the intelligentsia, was devoid of independent thinking and,
therefore, incapable of understanding what I was doing. Why should I take note
of their reactions?
As far as I was concerned the Observer had not changed. I was the same
journalist who stepped into the Eastern
Express office almost ten years back. Only the views of some people about
my paper may have changed. They, of course, were motivated by their own vested
interests and blinded by their own ignorance. Even listening to their reactions
was simply a waste of time. Incidentally, one of the main reasons for
approaching the government was because my printers, Prenar Press, was closed
down during that period, due to defects in the printing machine. This time, I
was in no mood to go all the way down to Siliguri to get the paper printed.
Summing up
the political scenario in Sikkim in the first issue of the Observer, dated May 23,
1992, I wrote: “Today, Mr. Bhandari rules supreme. While the SSP has both the
seats in the Parliament, all the 32 seats in the Assembly belong to the party.
There is virtually no opposition in the State where even national parties like
the Congress (I) have gone into hiding or its leaders concentrating on other
activities than politics. Followers and supporters of of the Rising Sun
President, Mr. Ram Chandra Poudyal, are now almost all set to join the ruling
party. Mr. Poudyal, who till very recently, was seen as Mr. Bhandari’s arch
rival, has now given up politics and turned to religion.”
The report,
which was the lead story, ended with this observation: “If the likely reshuffle
in the Cabinet goes through smoothly, Mr. Bhandari can rest be assured that the
best is yet to come”. The word ‘If’ was the most important word in the entire
issue. I don’t think any of the pseudo-intellectuals in Gangtok noticed it.
The next
issue of the Observer, which appeared
in June first week, by reporting that the “likely reshuffle” of the Cabinet may
not be smooth, also proved that the paper was still the same and showed that it
was not afraid, despite being assisted by the government for its publication, of reporting on sensitive
political issues as it has been doing in the past. By giving wide coverage on
the delicate issue of the Cabinet reshuffle, the paper forced the ruling party
to give top priority to settle the issue once and for all. The paper’s lead
story on Bhandari’s reactions to the likely reshuffle was captioned – “CM on
Cabinet Reshuffle: Communal, incompetent ministers to be dropped”. This was indeed
a clear indication that he was against Chamling, who was emerging as the number
one leader of the backward classes in Sikkim. There were also strong rumours
that apart from Chamling, some “corrupt ministers” would also be sacked.
The SSP was
expected to change its entire Cabinet after completion of half term in office
which expired on May 31, 1992. Being aware of the likely revolt within the
party if all the ministers were changed, Bhandari maintained that Cabinet
reshuffle was his “prerogative” and that much now depended on the “performance”
of his ministers. This was a clear indication that he did not want an entirely
new set-up in the Cabinet.
Chamling’s
performance and his activities certainly did not gain much favour with the CM.
His links with ethnic groups and off-the-cuff remarks against the
administration and the ruling party made him one of the most controversial men
in the Cabinet. Unlike others, Chamling was a popular politician and did not
depend on Bhandari to get elected to the Assembly. Because of this, he was
quite independent in his thinking and the people appreciated this. All others
were basically Bhandari’s “yes men”, who depended on him for almost everything.
Chamling’s
reaction to Bhandari’s autocratic style of functioning was carried on the front
page of this issue of the Observer.
Headlined –“I’m a democrat, not a sycophant: Chamling”, the newsitem carried
Chamling’s remarks which he made to some newsmen who visited his official residence
in Gangtok just days before his ouster. Chamling’s remarks, as reported in the Observer, stated that he was a “democrat
and not a sycophant”. This definitely hit Bhandari below the belt and invited
strong reaction from him. It was clear from his statement that many SSP
legislators, including ministers, were reduced to being mere sycophants and
“rubber stamps”, and ceased to act as elected representatives of the people. By
openly declating that he was a democrat, Chamling openly defied Bhandari, who
was on the verge of knocking him down, and gave everyone the impression that he
was unable to function under an undemocratic set-up.
Chamling had
indeed spoken up and did not fear action being taken against him. The report
said: “Mr. Chamling, who is expected to be dropped from the Cabinet, is quite
casual of the whole affair and seems quite content to step down if asked to. ‘I
want to play politics. The chair is not important for me,’ is his cryptic
remark when asked to comment on his future plan of action.” In the editorial of
the paper I remarked that Chamling – the writer-poet-turned-politician – was
“the most vocal and undoubtedly the most popular and potential man in the
Bhandari bandwagon.”
There was no
deliberate act on my part to break up the ruling party. However, I wanted to
report events as they happened without siding with any particular group.
Independent and competent observers of my paper would have noted that I had not
moved an inch from my earlier stand, and that the paper, though printed in the
government press, was still fiercely independent. In fact, the Observer acted as a catalyst and brought
some changes in the staid political scenario of Sikkim. With Chamling’s ouster,
politics in Sikkim took a different turn having far-reaching implications. And
if these changes pave way for a just, humane and more democratic set-up in
Sikkim and in the region, the Sikkim
Observer will look back with pride and feel great that it had performed its
role responsibly despite short-term losses to the paper.
One reason
why I wanted the paper to be printed in the government press was to test and
find out whether the government genuinely wanted to help me or not. I also
wanted to see whether Bhandari really meant what he said to me earlier and
whether he was able to honour his word and give me the independence that I
needed as an editor.
Soon after
the second issue of the Observer was
published, word got around that I may be asked to discontinue printing of my
paper at the government press. There were various reasons – excuses really –
given for this. But the fact was the government was in a fix and was not
willing to give me the freedom that I needed, lest it endangered its own
interest. There were reports that certain powerful persons in the State were
not happy with my paper being printed at the government press. While a section
of them genuinely felt that the credibility of the paper would be affected if
it was printed at the government press, there were others who felt that I
should not be allowed to hit against the government using its own ‘machinery’.
But since no formal order to stop the
publication of the paper was conveyed to me, I somehow managed to take out the
next issue of the Observer in
mid-June from the government press. The lead story was captioned – “Chamling
dropped”. The much-awaited reshuffle did not take place and only Chamling was
dropped for his “communal and anti-party activities”.
And with Chamling’s dismissal, the Observer was also ‘dismissed’ from the
government press! I was told by the IPR Secretary that the government wanted me
to discontinue using the government press. To me it was a clear indication that
the highest authorities were not keen on helping me with the publication of the
paper if I insisted on taking out an independent paper. It was also a sign that
no matter how much one talks about the ‘freedom of the press’, when it comes to
one’s own personal interest, high ideals take a back seat. And so after three
issues, the Observer was once again
abruptly closed down.
(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N Kazi, 1993)
