SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday   July 6-12,  2013    

Blog: jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com

NCP chief's man made Sikkim Governor

Gangtok, July 5: President Pranab Mukherjee on Thursday appointed bureaucrat-turned-politician Srinivas Patil, a trusted aide of NCP chief and Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar, as Governor of Sikkim.

Patil's appointment is seen as a major setback for chief minister Prithviraj Chavan. Patil, a former Pune divisional commissioner, had defeated Chavan by a huge margin in the 1999 Lok Sabha election from Karad.

Patil, who joined the state civil services as deputy collector, was inducted into the IAS in 1979. In 1999, he resigned from the IAS to join led NCP.

Patil's appointment as governor surprised not only the NCP but also senior Congress leaders, as it was never expected that a politician who defeated Chavan would be considered for a gubernatorial assignment. His appointment clearly indicates the ever-increasing clout of Pawar in the ruling UPA at the Centre, The Times of India reported.

"We welcome Congress president Sonia Gandhi's move to accommodate NCP while appointing the governor," a senior NCP leader said. "It will strengthen the bond between Congress and NCP in the ensuing Lok Sabha and assembly polls. However, we are surprised over nomination of Srinivas Patil as the governor of Sikkim."

Patil succeeds outgoing Governor BP Singh.

Scrap Kabi-Lungtsok project, monk body tells govt

Call for Minister TT Bhutia & Penday’s social boycott

Gangtok, July 5: The Monks of Sikkim have urged the State Government to scrap the proposed ‘beautification and development’ project at the historic site of Kabi Lungtsok at Kabi in North Sikkim.

The monk body has sent a stern appeal to Minister Thinley Tshering Bhutia and Penday Kazi from trying to destroy the sacred site and thereby erasing Sikkim’s history which has been preserved down the ages.

In a press statement, the association’s General Secretary Lama Sherap Tenzing Lepcha termed the proposed project as “anti-BLs (Bhutia-Lepchas)” and “anti-Sikkimese”.

 During its meeting held here this week the monks “expressed their anguish” over the “insensitive manner” in which the State Government went about its job in trying to erase Sikkim’s sacred history.

The monk body observed that in the name of ‘development’ the State Government seems bent on destroying Sikkim’s religious and cultural heritage.

It has urged the Kabi monastery monks to socially boycott Bhutia and Penday and declared them as ‘tenshik’, destroyer of faith.

Penday was the Congress candidate who reportedly sold himself to the ruling party in the Assembly polls in 2004 by not filing nomination papers from the Kabi-Tingda Assembly constituency.

SIBLAC demands CBI probe on Kabi-Lungtsok project

Gangtok, July 5: The Sikkim Bhutia-Lepcha Apex Committee (SIBLAC) has sought CBI probe into the proposed development project at the sacred and historic site of Kabi-Lungtsok.

This demand has been made to Governor BP Singh by SIBLAC Convenor Tseten Tashi Bhutia.

The memorandum on the demand was handed over to the Raj Bhawan Secretary as the Governor was out of station, a press release said.

SIBLAC has appreciated the assurance given by Sikkim Pradesh Congress Committee President Kunga Nima Lepcha on the issue. Lepcha said he would raise the demand for scrapping of the project with the Union DoNER Ministry.

It has at Kabi-Lungtsok that Sikkim’s indigenous Bhutia-Lepcha ancestors signed a blood-brotherhood treaty between the two communities in the 13^th century. This led to the formation of the Namgyal Dynasty four hundred years later in 1642.

China lifts 17-year ban on Dalai Lama photos at Tibet monastery: Rights group

Beijing, July 5: Chinese officials have lifted a ban on Tibetan monks displaying photographs of the Dalai Lama at a prominent monastery, a rights group said on Thursday, an unexpected policy shift which could ease tensions in the restive region.

The decision concerning the Gaden monastery in the Tibetan capital Lhasa - one of the most historically important religious establishments in Tibet - reversed a ban introduced in 1996, the Britain-based Free Tibet group told Reuters, citing sources with direct knowledge of the situation.

   It was made as similar changes are being considered in other Tibetan regions of China, and may signal authorities are contemplating looser religious restrictions and a policy change over Tibet, three months after President Xi Jinping took office.

Chinese officials in western Qinghai province are also considering lifting a ban on Tibetans displaying pictures of the exiled spiritual leader, according to the International Campaign for Tibet, a US-based advocacy group.

It said there were also draft proposals in the region to end the practice of forcing Tibetans to denounce the Dalai Lama, and to decrease the police presence at monasteries. Officials in Lhasa and Qinghai could not immediately be reached for comment.

Such measures appear calculated to reduce tensions between the Tibetans and the government after a series of Tibetan self-immolation protests against Chinese rule. Beijing considers the Dalai Lama, who fled China in 1959 after an abortive uprising against Chinese rule, a violent separatist.

The Dalai Lama, who is based in India, says he is merely seeking greater autonomy for his Himalayan homeland. Since 2009, at least 120 Tibetans have set themselves on fire in China in protest against Beijing's policies in Tibet and nearby regions with large Tibetan populations.

Most were calling for the return of the Dalai Lama. "Tibetans' reverence for and loyalty to the Dalai Lama has almost no equal among the world's communities and if this policy is extended beyond this individual monastery as other reports suggest, it will be very significant for the Tibetan people," Free Tibet spokesman Alistair Currie said.

The new policy at the Gaden monastery and the discussions in Qinghai come after a scholar from the Central Party School published an essay questioning China's policy on Tibet. So far, President Xi has said very little publicly about Tibet.

His late father, Xi Zhongxun, a liberal-minded former vice premier, was close to the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan leader once gave the elder Xi an expensive watch in the 1950s, a gift the senior party official still wore decades later.

"There's increasingly a view that due to the critical nature of the situation of Tibet, a discussion of a change in some hardline policies is merited and there's a need for the Dalai Lama to be involved in some way," Kate Saunders, spokeswoman for the International Campaign for Tibet, Reuters reported.

Saunders said the draft proposals in Qinghai were likely to be implemented either in August or September.

Editorial

CBI ‘AUTONOMY’

“Still A Caged Parrot”

After it was accused by the Supreme Court of turning the CBI into "the state's parrot", the government has submitted a 41-page proposal on how to free the CBI of political control.

The document, given to the Supreme Court, keeps administrative control of India's top law enforcement agency firmly with the government, leading CBI officials to comment that the agency "is still a caged parrot." The proposal says the CBI director will be chosen by a committee  of the  Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice of India or a Supreme Court judge. The affidavit submitted to the Supreme Court on Wednesday was based on recommendations made by a Group of Ministers, set up after SC castigated the government over the CBI probe into coal blocks allocations.

Anti-corruption campaigner and politician Prashant Bhushan wants the investigation to be  transferred to a Supreme Court-monitored team because he says the CBI lacks independence. He dismissed today's proposal as "hogwash." The BJP, however, trashed the suggestions as a "farce". "Who will select these retired judges to whom the CBI will be accountable? Many are men of integrity wedded to judicial values. Yet there are many who are perpetually seeking post-retirement jobs," senior leader Arun Jaitley wrote in his blog. To ensure functional autonomy, the government proposes that the administration and superintendence of CBI in high-profile corruption cases be vested with the CVC. But CVC will not have the power to direct CBI to probe or dispose any case. In all other cases, CBI would be administered and supervised by the Centre.

Muslims in Sikkim: a paan shop next to the masjid

By SYED AHMED

A few days back, an important work took me to Sikkim, the small State that nestles between the peaks of the eastern Himalaya. While staying at the capital city Gangtok I came across a small majid close by the city bus-stand. Near the masjid I met two bearded Muslims running a big paan shop. I talked to one of the Muslims at the paan shop, named Mohd. Rauf, to know more about the Muslims in the State. Rauf said he came to Gangtok from Bihar in the early 70s in search of livelihood. He was later joined by his brother, who also works at the paan shop.

I inquired about the settlement of Muslims in Gangtok and other parts of Sikkim. He informed me that there is no indigenous Muslim population in the State. “All the Muslims in Sikkim came from outside, mainly from Bihar, UP and West Bengal in search of work. Around 80 per cent of the Muslims are from Bihar, while the rest are from West Bengal and UP. There are around ten thousand Muslims in the capital city. There are also Muslims in Rangpo, Ranipool, Rinnak, Rangili, Jothang, Namchi, Gyalshing, Mangan, Simtam, etc. In all, there must be around twenty thousand Muslims in Sikkim. As the State Government does not allow outsiders to buy land here the Muslims and in fact all the outsiders stay in rented houses. I have also been staying in a rented apartment with my brother all these years,” Rauf said.

“Majority of the Muslim population are temporary migrant workers. Many of these Muslims engage in construction works. The rich local population engages skilled constructor workers and manual labourers for the construction of their residential buildings. The State Government too engages these people for building roads, office building, dams, constructing roads on the hills, etc. Many Muslims also do petty business. They open small shops. Some Muslims are popular here as tailors. A few early Muslim settlers are working as Government employees, mainly as teachers and policemen. Some have also married the local women,” Rauf added.

Later I entered the masjid complex and talked to the Imam, Maulana Asgar Ali, who hails from Madhubani in Bihar. The Imam further informed, “There is only one masjid in Gangtok. This area is called Apar Arithang. There are around six to seven thousand Muslims here. The masjid was constructed in 1942-43. It was then constructed with wood. It is said that a wealthy Tibetian Muslim from Ladakh, named Sabila Sardar had acquired the land for the masjid from the local ruler. The descendants of Sabila Sardar still live in Gangtok. One of his grandsons named Saeed is running a big shop at the MG Road. There are very few Tibetan Muslims here in Gangtok. However, there are quite a large number of Tibetan Muslims in Kalimpong. They are all wealthy businessmen. There are another 8 more masjids in different parts of Sikkim. There are also prayer houses for other religions too. There is a Gurudwara at Deorali near Gangtok town.”

“I came here to work as Imam few years back. I get five thousand rupees per month. The masjid is managed by public subscription. We have organized a body called Anjuman-e-Islamia, Gangtok, to manage the masjid and the Muslims here. It is a registered body. The jurisdiction of the Anjuman is fixed from Tadong to Vajra, Balwakhani and Chandmari to by-pass. There is no madrasa here. The Muslims have realized the need of having a madrasa. We have started the construction of the madrasa building here in the masjid complex,” the Imam added.

Sikkim is renowned for its scenic beauty, rich flora and fauna and ethnically varied population. The State with an area of 7096 sq. km. has a population of just around 6 lakh. The 8586 meters high Kanchenjunga, the third highest mountain in the world, dominates the skyline of Eastern Sikkim. Sikkim has more than seventy Buddhist monasteries, the oldest dating back to the 1700s. The State has 660 species of orchids. And it is famous for the mask dance performed by Lamas in Gompas.

Majority of the State’s population are of Nepali ethnic origin. The native Sikkimese consist of the Bhutias and the Lepchas. Migrant resident communities include Biharis, Bengalis and Marwaris.

Hinduism is the State’s major religion (61%), followed by Buddhism (28%) and Christians (7%). The minority religious communities, consisting of Muslims, Sikhs and Jains form almost two per cent of the State’s population. (TwoCircles.net)

Prez, PM urged to save historic site at Kabi Lungtsok

Gangtok, July 5: Sikkim Bhutia-Lepcha Apex Committee (SIBLAC) Tseten Tashi Bhutia has sought the intervention of the President and Prime Minister on efforts made by the Sikkimese to save the historic and sacred site of Kabi Lungtsok in North Sikkim.

In his letter to President Pranab Mukherjee and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the SIBLAC chief has expressed concern over the State Government ‘development’ project at the historic site which is expected to cost Rs 8.5 crore.

Bhutia has urged the Union Government “to save heritages, places of worships and Dharma in Sikkim which otherwise in the name of development is reaching the verge of extinction,’ a press release of the Committee said.

SU celebrates 6^th foundation day

Gangtok, July 5: The Sikkim University celebrated its sixth foundation day on Tuesday. A programme was organised at the Saramsa Garden auditorium to mark the occasion. Delivering the welcome address, Vice Chancellor T B Subba commended the efforts of faculty members and administrative staff in shaping the character of the university and its students. Thereafter, Professor A C Sinha, National Fellow of ICSSR delivered the VI Foundation Day Lecture on “Social Formation in and around Sikkim in the middle of the 20th Century.”

 In his lecture, Sinha elucidated important events that shaped the existing socio-political-cultural mosaic of Sikkim. He also donated around one thousand books from his personal library to the Sikkim University, PIB release said.

C D Rai graced the occasion as Guest of Honour. Addressing the programme, Rai observed that the education scenario in Sikkim has undergone a sea change in the last seven decades. “Education is the greatest weapons to delivery anytime anywhere,” he said.

N K Pradhan, Minister HRDD, Government of Sikkim who was the Chief Guest at the event assured that state government will continue to do its best to ensure that the Sikkim University gets the best of infrastructure. “Government wants the University to become a centre of academic excellence which can give the best education to any child from anywhere in the world”, he added.

Students of the University presented a vibrant cultural show with which the programme concluded.

INTERVIEW OF THE WEEK

NAVNITA CHADDA

“Why can’t we reach an understanding with our own people?”

Kashmir is mired in a series of overlapping conflicts, rather than being a single issue to be solved. In an exclusive interview with Kashmir Life’s  Syed Asma, academician and Kashmir expert, Navnita Chadda shares her scholarly insights on Kashmir. 

Kashmir Life: Tell us a bit about yourself?

Navnita Chadda: I am a professor. I teach in Delhi University. I read and write. My main disciplinary base is International Relations but Kashmir has been my area of interest for 20 years. I started working on Kashmir in 1992 when movement was on its peak. Since then I have been reading and writing on the subject. So, it has been a long while.

KL: You have so far written two books on Kashmir. Being a non-local, what prompted you to choose Kashmir as a subject?

NC:  When I started my first project I did not choose Kashmir as such. My interest was academic and quite conceptual in nature. I wanted to understand in a country like India where there are so many diverse identities why is it that some identities at any given historical juncture become politicized, and why some of them become violent? I had a chance of looking at Kashmir, Punjab and North East India and as luck would have it, the first library I consulted at Nehru Memorial Museum, Kashmir was the most organised section there 

KL: What were you working for and what was the project about?

NC: I was then working as Assistant research Professor in Centre for Policy Research. The project basically was why some identities get politicized and why some get violent? So, my first book, ‘State, Identity and Violence’ was born out of that project.  It came out in 2002.

KL: What is your understanding of the conflict in Kashmir? What do you think people in Kashmir want?

NC: There is no single definition of conflict because I do not think there is a single conflict in Kashmir. There are several layers and several players to it. Each conflict has its own dynamics and they all overlap. It is not in a neat and straight category. No conflict is too generous that it won’t get impacted by others. It does! So, the main conflict, I would say, is here [Kashmir] – the demand for separation and self-determination that was voiced in 1980s. But there were so many other conflicts in the same period like Ladakh started the movement for the status of Union territory and Jammu had raised the demand for more integration. Then there were several other layers like that of linguistic identity, conflicts like Gujjar demanding Scheduled Tribe status. Later in 1990s Pandits started demanding their own homeland.

KL: Which among these is predominating?

NC: It is obviously the separatist movement or the Azadi movement but it does not capture the dynamics of the whole State.

KL: Why do you think it is the predominant one?

NC: I think because lot of people got affected by it. There is no doubt that whole Kashmir society has gone through a very double-end period for last 20 years. Lot of people have given up their lives, lot of people have lost their lives. There is hardly any family which is not affected by the conflict, so, that makes it most predominant. But it does not subsume other complexities of the conflict. Other conflicts have a dynamic of their own which takes it in different trajectories. And they have impacted on why this one [the predominant one] has succeeded or not succeeded. They all are integrally linked and this was the most interesting thing that I found while researching about Kashmir.

KL: What is the link in all these conflicts and why do you think the main conflict did not succeed?

NC: The movement here [Kashmir] demanded self-determination on the behalf of ‘all’ the people of Jammu and Kashmir but they actually were not representing the interest of ‘all’ the people. And ‘all’ was very diverse. They had their own definitions of self-determination. I believe that this is the most critical factor why they haven’t been successful. I think they got check-mated at home. The standard explanation that I find in the literature is that Kashmir’s insurgency got defeated because of India’s military might. My argument is that it got defeated on political grounds and it got check mated by its own communities of the State which did not support the demand. So, basically I think it got fragmented in a very political way and separatist leadership was not in a position to present a front which was all inclusive.

KL: After 2002 elections you had said that the major challenges the new government had to face were ‘deepening communalisation and regionalisation’ in the State. Can you please elaborate?

NC:  I have said this post Farooq Abdullah’s government after reading the recommendations in the Regional Autonomy Committee (RCA) report. I believe it strengthened the communal fault lines. If you look at the complexion of J&K state today,   there are three regions, one is “Hindu majority”, one is Muslim majority and other is Buddhist majority. RCA report re-carved the boundaries of the entire state or suggested to do so. It re-carved the boundaries in such a way that it suggested the entire J&K to be into eight regions, of which 6 became Muslim majority. The way I looked at it historically, it was revival of 1975 plan of ‘Greater Kashmir’ of Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah. I feel that strength of the state lies in its diversity. Plural diverse fabric of society is strength of the society and not its weakness. So, if it is the strength you should not weaken it by undermining it, by territorially casting it different.

KL: Do you think state government is powerful enough to fulfil its promises if New Delhi is not willing?

NC: Absolutely yes! I personally am very uncomfortable with this thought that state government has no authority and Delhi is dictating its terms.

KL: And where do you think India in Kashmir has failed?

NC: I as a scholar think that in Kashmir’s case we get caught in the chimera that unless we talk to Pakistan we cannot resolve it. In a way it is true, but I personally am not convinced that if our population is alienated and if we are saying it is our people so why can’t we reach out to them independently. So, if Delhi is willing to offer a substantive political deal in terms of autonomy, self-rule, and other common grounds, why is it that we can’t reach an understanding with our own people?

People want their political aspiration to be addressed and to my mind it can be addressed. So, why there is a gap in that stand is an element of puzzle.