Friday, February 7, 2014

SIKKIM OBSERVER Page 1 Saturday   Feb 8-14, 2014
Bhandari to work for opposition unity, to hold talks with Golay
SKM demands Prez Rule in Sikkim before polls
Gangtok, Feb 7: Acknowledging Sikkim Krantikari Morcha President PS Golay’s hold on the people, former chief minister and Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP) President Nar Bahadur Bhandari said he was hopeful of an alliance with the SKM to stop the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front’s comeback in the next Assembly polls due in May.
Bhandari said he was in touch with Golay, whose party celebrated its first anniversary during a mammoth meeting at Jorethang in south Sikkim on Tuesday. Speaking to Sikkim Observer, Bhandari said he is likely to meet Golay soon to look into the possibility of working together to thwart SDF’s comeback.
“There should not be a triangular fight during the next Assembly elections,” Bhandari said. He said he was also in touch with other opposition leaders in the State to chalk out opposition unity.
    While Golay is likely to make an inroad into the SDF vote-bank among the State’s OBCs Bhandari still has a sizable hold among the upper-caste Nepalese (Newars, Bahuns and Chettris – NBCs) and the minority Bhutia-Lepchas (BLs), who have 13 seats reserved in the 32-member Assembly.     
    Unity among the OBCs, NBCs and BLs under Golay and Bhandari’s combined leadership will give a stiff competition to the ru
ling party, observers feel.
   And yet former MLA and Gangtok Mayor Balchand Sarda warned, “If Opposition leaders fail to check manipulation of the EVMs Chamling may make a comeback again.” He is convinced that the ruling party won the Assembly polls in 2004 and 2009 due to manipulation of EVMs.
   Meanwhile, the SKM has sought for President’s Rule in the State prior to the next Assembly polls. A memorandum on this issue was submitted to the Election Commission of India by the SKM on Wednesday. The party fears misuse of the government machinery and manipulation of EVMs during the polls process.
Rahul stands by Northeast people, says justice will be done
New Delhi, Feb 7: Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi on Monday met Northeast students at Jantar Mantar in Delhi in the backdrop of the death of a 19-year-old boy from Arunachal Pradesh. Students from Northeast have been protesting at Jantar Mantar and demanding justice for Nido Taniam who was allegedly beaten up by shop keepers and his friends.
Rahul assured strict action against the culprit and said, "What happened here is completely unacceptable," agencies reported.
Rahul Gandhi speaking at the protest venue in New Delhi on Monday.  (left)
During his brief stay at the protest venue, Rahul also assured the protesters that government would ensure that they get respect and justice.
He said there was only one India for him which matters and that was the India where every single person was treated with respect, justice and treated fairly.
"There is no other India that I am interested in. I am not concerned whether you are from the Northeast or any other religion, there is only one India and that India is for all of us. We will fight for this. We are going to ensure that you get respect in this country, full stop. For me, Nido represents this country," he said. He said, "My heart and spirit are 100 per cent with you."
Students have submitted a memorandum to Rahul. Earlier in the day, Rahul had also met MPs from Arunachal and asked Union Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde to act on Taniam's death case.
Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal has also assured that he would join their protest for speedy justice for a student from Arunachal Pradesh who died following an alleged attack by some shopkeepers here. The delegation accompanied by Union Minister of State for Minority Affairs Ninong Ering submitted a memorandum to the Chief Minister in this regard.
The protest against the death of Nido Taniam continued in the capital as different student organisations in Delhi University and Jawaharlal Nehru University organised demonstrations demanding immediate action against the killers of Nido Taniam.
The 14 organisations working for northeastern community submitted a detailed 16-point memorandum to prime minister, home minister and Delhi chief minister urging them to act on the suggestions to ensure safety and security of vulnerable northeastern community in the capital.
The Union Home Ministry has strongly advised the Delhi Police to give protection to the people of Northeast. In a meeting with top Delhi Police officials, the MHA asked them to take immediate action on the complaints of people from Northeast region and to sensitise all police stations regarding the people from the region.
The student, Nido Taniam's initial post-mortem report which came out on Sunday evening suggested that he died of swelling in his brain and due to fluid filling up in his lungs. However, the police said that the actual cause of Taniam's death can only be determined once the viscera report comes out.
The body of Taniam, son of an Arunachal Congress MLA, was flown to his home in Itanagar for his last rites. But, in the national capital protests continued over his death.
Taniam was found dead inside his room on Thursday. He had allegedly been beaten up by workers at a sweet shop in Lajpat Nagar on Wednesday after he broke a window pane there for allegedly being mocked over his hair.
Mamata opted for Bhaichung for Darjeeling LS seat
GJM oppose Bhutia candidature, says he is not ‘face of hill people’
Kolkata, Feb 7: Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee led Trinamool Congress has decided against fielding star footballer Baichung Bhutia from Darjeeling in the upcoming general elections, changing its stance after it became clear that Gorkha Janamukti Morcha was planning to put up a candidate from the hills.
"We want to put up a rebel GJM candidate against the official nominee of party chief Bimal Gurung so that we can get a significant chunk of Gorkha votes. Baichung Bhutia will not be able to divide the GJM's vote bank since he hails from Sikkim and is unlikely to get tribal votes in Darjeeling," a senior TMC leader said, requesting anonymity.
GJM leader and Kalimpong MLA Harkabahadur Chhetri said, "We oppose Baichung Bhutia's candidature. Neither he is from Darjeeling, nor is he the face of hill people. We will support the candidate, who is son of the soil".
Nepali-speaking Bhutia is seen as the frontrunner among potential Trinamool Congress candidates for the Darjeeling constituency, where the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) calls the shots. Asked about the possibility of his joining politics or contesting in next year's general election, the footballer from Sikkim refused to comment.
The Gorkhas elected the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP's) Jaswant Singh in 2009 and the Congress's Dawa Narbula in 2004, but this time, the GJM wants one of its own leaders to represent the constituency in Parliament.
The rebel in exile: a lone struggle for the common cause
Gangtok, Feb 7: Sequel to Jigme N. Kazi’s previous book Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, this book, The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, highlights the downfall of the Nar Bahadur Bhandari regime, which ruled Sikkim for a decade and half (1979-1994),  and subsequent events in the former kingdom leading to formation of Pawan Chamling-led Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) government in December 1994.
 The book, released on February 6, 2014, delves deeply into social, religious and political issues – Assembly seat reservation, income tax, Rathongchu hydro power project, scaling of Khangchendzonga, Gurudongmar lake controversy, Opposition unity – that the Chamling Government confronted during its first three successive terms in office (1994-2009).
   The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland also seeks to highlight how and why the author – a journalist – left the safe confines of his profession and joined active politics. Was he after ‘power politics’ or did he truly struggle for ‘people power’ to triumph in Sikkim?
   In his recent book, Sikkim For Sikkimese, the author reveals his professional and political struggle of two and half decades (1983-2008) to safeguard Sikkim’s ‘distinct identity within the Union.’ In The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi shows that he can use the pen and the sword with equal flare and ferocity. His personal confrontation with those within and outside his political circle on diverse issues makes it a must-read book for those who are looking for unique insights into how the political elite of established political parties play the game of survival.
 More than anything The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland reveals how one can fight head-on and take on the powers-that-be for the common cause and come out unscathed and with one’s credibility intact.
   Jigme N. Kazi is now back to where he belongs – journalism. He currently edits two of his weekly English newspapers – Sikkim Observer and Himalayan Guardian – and has plans to revive his other publications. In his 30-year career in journalism, Jigme N. Kazi has worked for numerous local, regional, national and international publications and news services, including Eastern Express, North East Daily, The Telegraph, The Statesman, United News of India (UNI), The Independent (Nepal) and Inter Press Service(IPS).
   Published by Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, the 276-page book priced at Rs 525/-, is available at Observer Building, Nam Nang, Gangtok, Sikkim and at the local books shops in Gangtok.
Editorial
FEDERAL FRONT
The Third Alternative
The likely formation of the ‘Federal Front’ before the ensuing Lok Sabha polls has caused a lot of discomfort in the BJP camp. With nearly 100 seats in its kitty the Federal Front, led by regional chiefs, will surely hamper the BJP’s march towards formation of  the government in May this year. Bihar and West Bengal chief ministers, Nitish Kumar and Mamata Banerjee, have already taken an earnest stand on the formation of the new front. Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, who is eager to become the next PM possibly with Congress support, has lent his weight behind the new platform.
   “We have to win as many as seats from Bengal to ensure that Bengal plays a key role,” insists Mamata. With Congress keen on tying up with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Nitish Kumar is likely to forge a non-Congress and non-BJP front by bringing together the remaining groups of the old ‘janata parivar,’ ‘before or after’ the Lok Sabha polla. Kumar said he would initially make efforts to rope in Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav and Deve Gowda-led Janata Dal (Secular) in the proposed federation. And if the move becomes successful, the scope of expanding the front for Naveen Patnaik-led Biju Janata Dal, Left parties and AIADMK’s J Jayalalithaa. Kumar is expected to meet prominent leaders of the Samajwadi Party and Janata Dal (S) during his visit to New Delhi on February 9-10 to work out a strategy for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. AAP, which is expected to win at least 20 seats, may also support the third alternative.
Gurung calls for Gorkha unity, fails to take stand on LS seat
Darjeeling, Feb7: Gorkha Janmukti Morcha chief Bimal Gurung has called all members of the Gorkha community to work towards Gorkha unity and identity.
His call came at a meeting of  the party at Jamuni on Wednesday where the Gorkha leader was expected to spell out the party’ s stand on the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat.
“Today, I will not speak about the Lok Sabha election or our party candidate. We will take a decision on the issue at an opportune moment. We will not adopt a strategy according to what the government of India or the state government wants,” Gurung said.
Representatives of different hill communities were invited to the Morcha meeting in Jamuni, 20km from here.
 “I am increasingly feeling that various Gorkha sub-communities are forgetting about Gorkha unity. I feel the situation is emerging in a way that in the days to come, a Gurung will not go to a Rai family house where there has been a death. Probably, a Chhetri will not be there for the Tamang people during crisis and vice-versa. We Gorkhas are a community which takes great pride in our recognition as a brave community but we are slowly getting scattered,” Gurung said, The Telegraph reported.
“Please remain united, keeping in mind the larger picture. I have no problems with the government forming boards for different communities,” Gurung said.
“In fact, when Mamata Banerjee was in Darjeeling, I had requested her to form development boards for all hill communities. I have also requested her to initiate a process so that 10 Gorkha communities are enlisted in the Schedule Tribe list. After forming so many boards, I think the state government can also dissolve the GTA,” the Morcha chief said.
LITERARY
How Sikkim fell prey to India’s imperialistic designs
By INDRANIL BANERJIE
Sunanda K. Datta-Ray with the revised edition of Smash & Grab: Annexation of Sikkim. (Pix: The Telegraph- left)
Sikkim became the twenty-second state of the Indian Republic on 16 May 1975 and the monarchy that had ruled this Himalayan kingdom for more than three centuries was abolished. How this came about is the theme of journalist Sunanda K. Datta-Ray’s book, which was first published to much acclaim in 1984.
This revised edition with a new introduction comes several years after the original publisher gave up the rights to the book, claiming he was not interested in reprinting it. Another publisher, Tranquebar, decided Ms Datta-Ray’s book needed to be kept alive.
Smash and Grab is at heart a simple story, masterfully embellished with first hand journalistic detail, about Sikkim’s noble but defenceless King, who falls to the machinations of imperial New Delhi and a handful of conniving local politicians.
The author’s view is that Indira Gandhi’s government decided to annex Sikkim because its ruler Palden Thondup Namgyal, the twelfth Chogyal, was showing every sign of asserting his independence, despite being bound by an unequal treaty to be utterly subservient to New Delhi.
The book is a distressing account of how Indian officials conspired with a few local Nepalese leaders to engineer protests against the Chogyal, who was portrayed as an oppressive, undemocratic feudal, and eventually force a vote to secure Sikkim’s merger with India.
The Indian view at that time was that the Chogyal was opposed to democracy as it would effectively transfer power to the local Nepalese, who despite being immigrants had over the decades become the majority ethnic group in Sikkim. The original Bhutia-Lepcha inhabitants of Sikkim, it was argued, would become a minority with diminished powers.
Whatever the politics, the author’s account accurately portrays the ruthless manner in which the tiny Kingdom, a protectorate of India, was brought down with the Indian Army’s shadow looming over the Chogyal’s palace.
In Ms Datta-Ray’s account the Chogyal, who was his friend, is clearly the tragic hero while the gaggle of treacherous Nepalese politicians and Indian officials are the villains. The author’s superb writing skills, his ability to capture the spirit of the moment and his deep sympathy of Sikkim’s tradition make the book much more than a black and white account of past events.
Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the Chogyal of Sikkim during the controversial ‘merger’ era. (right)
Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, as the book explains, was no ordinary king but was “recognised at birth as an incarnate of the eighth Chogyal , Sidkeong Tulku, and through him, of a legendary king of Tibet, as well as the monk, Aen-Tul Karma Rinchen of the Kargyu-pa sect of Kham.”
Particularly compelling is the author’s portrayal of the deposed Chogyal, whom he describes as a person of “gentle charm, classical Tibetan scholarship, progressive administrative ideas, and scientific interest in contemporary forms of advance.” He was also recognised as “a staunch ally of India’s democratic leadership”.
Ironically, at one time, New Delhi had championed the Chogyal and even sent him as India’s confidential envoy to Lhasa. He was the president of the Mahabodhi Society of India and had led the Indian delegation to a Moscow conference on Orientalism. He was an honorary major general of the Indian Army and colonel-in-chief of the Eighth Gurkhas.
“Nehru was paternally fond of the active and imaginative prince so bubbling with enthusiasm for his country”, writes Datta-Ray. Yet, this very person several years later would be “publicly reviled and rejected in the closing years of his reign, depicted as a tyrant and a monster, painted as India’s implacable foe, and the enemy the Nepalese had to overthrow.” “The sad, shy man with his gentle ways and embarrassing stammer, his soft speech and quiet thoughtfulness, was lost to view under an avalanche of abuse…It was cruel and wicked distortion. But it served its purpose”, the author recounts. The Chogyal had to go and democracy had to be seen to have triumphed.
    The author’s purpose in writing a revised version of the book is not to express eternal regret for the annexation but to record a critical and not very savoury episode in Indian history. For, as the author writes in his new introduction, “Telling the story again does not mean a U-turn is possible, or even desirable, in history’s one-way street. My Sikkimese friends have made their peace with destiny. On the whole, they have profited from it. Today’s Sikkim is far more vibrant than the sleepy kingdom I knew. Everything is bigger, if not always better…Gangtok has become a throbbing business and tourist centre with packed cafes, a busy walkway and one of India’s few casinos.” “Few look back with nostalgia”, writes Ms Datta-Ray. “But no one can afford to ignore the interlinked historical processes that converted a kingdom under India’s protection into the twenty-second state of the Indian republic. The disappearance of old Sikkim was not the end of the Himalayan story. It was the beginning.” (The Asian Age)







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