RAHUL GANDHI’S LONG MARCH

When the defeated walk, history is made

Sriram Karri

KANYAKUMARI: They may go to bed on Tuesday night despondent, down, bruised and defeated, but they will wake up on Wednesday morning filled with hope. The energy of Congress leaders and cadre travelling from Telangana to Kanyakumari is infectious. It possibly perfectly mirrors the mood of not only the thousands of fellow Congress people who will join party leader Rahul Gandhi for the start of Bharat Jodo Yatra at the former Cape Comorin, but of millions of common Indians he will meet along the arduous journey.

   In a yatra that could go beyond seven to eight months, and cover over 3,570 kilometres, Rahul Gandhi is feeling up to a challenge when his chips are at their lowest, the odds stacked against him and his party.

  The Congress is not only losing elections, winning fewer Lok Sabha seats than it would take to have a bonafide Leader of Opposition in two elections but also in most states.

   The Congress is even losing governments it had won, like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh, and its leaders, some loyal for decades, are deserting.

   The party of A.O. Hume, Annie Beasant, Dadabhai Naoroji, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and a foundational platform of leaders from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh, may be reaching a climax, and demise, under the watch of the final Gandhi-Nehru scion, according to most.

   Either it will die, its death starting on Wednesday if the walk flops, or be set for a rebirth, a renaissance, if the fabled Gandhi-Nehru magic works with Indians.

   And it could work. Because Rahul Gandhi is no stranger to losing. He lost his grandmother as a little child, and witnessed the most gruesome manner of losing a father. He lost his youth in a maze of political confusion, and saw power, and experienced its loss.

   Now, he is ready to walk. Showing himself in common places, on foot, bereft of paraphernalia of power, away from the luxury of the palace he was born in.

   Leaders who have converged here with anticipation and excitement greet each other, even as cadres shout slogans. They talk in different tones, with different emotions.

   Hope and doubt dance on their faces, as expressions change, analysing and proposing varied scenarios.

   A leader of over three decades from Maharashtra airs the most common of beliefs: “The Gandhis have a tryst with history, and destiny. Rahul ji could have chosen the easiest path to Prime Ministership, but he chose the hardest one.”

   There is tacit awareness, if not outright acknowledgment, that Rahul Gandhi is also on a mission to make history. A win, with an absolute majority, in 2024 will accord PM Narendra Modi an aura only his ideological arch enemy, Jawaharlal Nehru had. Modi will become an era, an icon, unmatched.

Can Rahul Gandhi match up to the best of his legacy and revive the glory of the Congress? There are more sceptics than believers. But history is tricky, and the path to making it is hardly straight.

   “Anything is possible. One of the most written-off leaders is marching. When the defeated march, history gets rewritten. It is either a ‘Baahubali’ or a ‘Laal Singh Chaddha’ that we will see,” said another bystander, watching the array of leaders descend at the Thiruvananthapuram airport.

   Precedents exist; from Napoleon’s walk to Mahatma Gandhi’s Dandi march. In Telugu states, three leaders have walked their way into people’s hearts, and power. Even former prime minister Chandra Shekhar’s walk led to an accidental brush with the premier job.

   If movie analogies work in politics, Indians have always loved double role flicks. Ram aur Shyam. Seeta aur Geeta.  Now, Rahul Gandhi will be seen in the un-entitled powerless role, even as his adversary is in the stratospheric orbit.

   Will the walk change the way Indians see Rahul Gandhi? They might. That could be all the hapless and clueless Congress needs right now. And that is the hope they will wake up tomorrow with. That as Rahul walks, India will see and feel the aura of all the other Gandhis before. And vote for the hand that guides a nation.

 (Ref: Deccan Chronicle Sep 7, 2022. Sriram Karri is the Resident Editor of Deccan Chronicle, based in Hyderabad. He is also the author of the MAN Asian Literary Prize long-listed novel 'Autobiography of a Mad Nation' and 'The Spiritual Supermarket'.)

 

SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE

Let all Sikkimese feel safe and secure in Sikkim

The authorities in Delhi and Gangtok are widely aware or should be aware of the need to give top priority to safeguarding national security concerns in this sensitive and strategic border region.

   Genuine national unity and integration can come when people in their respective States, particularly in strategic border regions, are safe and secure. If those in power are truly and genuinely concerned over these vital issues then let all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities be included in the ST list in the State and let all of them enjoy all economic, educational and employment benefits which are meant for all STs at the national level. If this is done then special care must be taken in all respect to safeguard the rights and interests of the economically and educationally weaker sections of the people in the State who belong to all communities.

   However, while ST status may be granted to all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, seats in the Assembly should be reserved for them on the basis of their ethnicity as per Article 371F of the Constitution, which reflect the provisions of the May 8, 1973 Agreement and Government of Sikkim Act, 1974, and not on the basis of them being given ST status. If these two demands are fulfilled it will bring genuine national integration while also preserving Sikkim’s special status within the Union.

   Let other Sikkimese, who are locally referred to as ‘purano byapari’ (old business community), be identified through a cut-off year, and given a special place in Sikkim. These people, who hail from the plains and hill regions of the country, belong to all communities and have been living in Sikkim for generations. Most of them have been born and brought up in Sikkim and regard Sikkim as their homeland. It is the moral duty of all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities to provide adequate political and economic safeguards to such category of people so that they, too, feel safe and secure in Sikkim.

   The time has finally come for all Sikkimese people to rise up to the occasion and shoulder the responsibility entrusted to them by generations of the Sikkimese people yet to come.

 

(Ref: Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2009.)

 

BIRAJ ADHIKARI: THE ONE WHO MADE A DIFFERENCE

   During the pro-democracy movement in Sikkim led by Pawan Chamling, President of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF), in the early 1990s, which led to the ouster of the Bhandari regime in 1994, political activists such as Biraj Adhikari made tremendous contribution for Sikkim and the Sikkimese people. At times they risked their life and property for the common cause.

   After the political leadership made use of people such as Biraj Adhikari to achieve their political ambition the likes of Adhikari were sidelined and replaced by sycophants, leaving the Sikkimese people in the hands of corrupt and petty politicians. The rest is history…

   It has been my great privilege to record the tremendous contributions made by people such as Biraj Adhikari for our Sikkim in my newspapers and books. ‘The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland’, published in 2014, proudly recalls our street fighting days:

 

  “While more than 200 SDF supporters and other pro-democracy activists were arrested after the police crackdown in June 1993 several prominent leaders, including SDF General Secretary Biraj Adhikari (32), were arrested and detained in Sadar police station in Gangtok on June 24. Adhikari had to be moved to the local STNM hospital after he was mercilessly beaten up in the thana by police personnel.

     Adkhikari, a computer engineer-turned-politician, was ordered to be brought to the hospital by the Sikkim High Court in response to a petition filed by his wife on July 1. The court’s order not only boosted the morale of anti-Bhandari agitators but also saved the SDF leader’s life. The order said: “Keeping in mind the peculiar circumstances and the affairs in the STNM hospital (local) – we think it will be proper to safeguard the health and life of Mr. Biraj Adhikari that some second opinion be taken about his treatment.” The court also ordered that Adhikari be taken to Delhi or Chandigarh where his in-laws live for treatment. “Expenses for all this will be borne by the State Government,” the order stated.

   Adhikari was not only one of my friends but also one of the most effective and influential leaders of the SDF who had a great hand in mobilizing support for the party in Gangtok and the east district where most anti-Bhandari activities took place during this crucial period. A son of a former secretary in the State Government and an alumnus of St Paul’s School, Darjeeling, and Tashi Namgyal Academy (TNA), Gangtok, Adhikari, unlike many politicians, had no communal inclinations and because of his openness and broader views on politics he attracted many educated youths from all communities towards the SDF.

   The Amnesty International’s report, dated October 1994 and captioned “Sikkim: Torture of an opposition politician,” stated: “Biraj Adhikari, an opposition politician, was arrested on 24 June 1993 and subsequently tortured in police custody. He suffered serious wounds to his feet and may be permanently disabled. A medical examination carried outside India by an independent doctor with expertise in examining torture victims confirmed that the after-effects of trauma found during the examination exactly fitted Biraj Adhikari’s account of his torture during interrogation. Amnesty International is concerned that there has not been an independent and impartial inquiry into the torture of Biraj Adhikari, that compensation has not been granted to him and that peaceful opponents of the government remain liable to such violations of human rights in Sikkim, as long as the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.”

   The report added, “Amnesty International is concerned at persistent reports of arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment of opposition politicians in Sikkim, of which the illegal    detention and torture of Biraj Adhikari in June 1993 is only a detailed example. Amnesty International has received reports of two government opponents alleged to have died as a result of torture in police custody in the state in recent years, but the perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice.”

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, and Blog: jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 MAY 8, 1973 AGREEMENT: INDIA’S ‘TROJAN HORSE’ FOR SIKKIM TAKEOVER

Secret pact

During his next “unannounced” visit to Sikkim on April 21¹ Kewal Singh brought the draft agreement to be signed by the Chogyal, the Government of India, and leaders of major political parties of Sikkim. One of Singh’s main assignments this time was to sign a “secret pact” with the Choygal. On April 23, a “confidential” document titled “Agreement between the Chogyal and the Government of India” was signed in Gangtok, which promised to preserve “the identity of Sikkim” and “the constitutional position of the Chogyal of Sikkim”. Anti-Chogyal forces viewed the move as a bid by New Delhi to “restore the durbar to power”. However, major issues raised in the agreement were also included in the draft of the proposed tripartite agreement.

Datta-Ray observed: “But the durbar was relieved because it rightly believed that Sikkim could not be absorbed while its throne survived. Kewal Singh also promised the Chogyal that the administrator would be another dewan, and would be withdrawn as soon as the political situation had stabilized. If all this was reassuring, the durbar was baffled and worried by the foreign secretary’s insistence on complete secrecy. It would have liked the tripartite agreement either to confirm the earlier one or to repeat that the monarchy and Sikkim’s status as a protectorate remained unimpaired. But Kewal Singh assured the Chogyal that the 8 May document was only for public consumption, a sop to Kazi and his colleagues, and that the 23 April agreement was the operative one. Moreover, he continued, any reference to the monarchy or to relations with India might have suggested to the 15 signatories that both matters were within their jurisdiction.²  

After making minor changes in the tripartite agreement in the Foreign Office in New Delhi, the Foreign Secretary returned to Gangtok on May 7 with the revised draft. With great reluctance the Chogyal signed the agreement the next day on May 8 at the Palace at 9 p.m.. This was only after he was assured by Kewal Singh that “the tripartite agreement was basically the same as of April 23 except for minor variations to the satisfaction of the political parties and should, as such, be treated as a “Public Relations Document”³

Before the signing of the agreement in the Palace, the Chogyal gave a dressing down to JAC leaders and accused them of “betrayal and sell-out to India”. Because of their “treachery” they were “not worthy of being called Sikkimese” and the people of Sikkim would never forgive them for their devious ways. Das recalls how the Chogyal felt during the signing of the agreement: “The famous May 8 Agreement was signed at 9 P.M. in the Palace. At first, Kazi and his group refused to go to the Palace. K.C. Pradhan and B.B. Gurung expressed a fear that the Chogyal would poison their liquor! Narbahadur Khatiwada protested on principle and wanted the Chogyal to come to the India House to sign the document. After great persuasion, they trooped into the Palace. Used to years of subservience, they bowed to the Chogyal in reverence and the latter let them have it. He was full of liquor already and surcharged with emotions; he accused the leaders of betrayal and sell-out to India. Sikkim and her people would never forgive them for their treachery. Instead of him, they would now have an Indian Chogyal to rule. They were not worthy of being called Sikkimese having sold their country. None uttered a word as if they were under a spell. The Chogyal’s performance was superb. He took out his pen and signed. The others followed including the National Party and Kewal Singh. The Foreign Secretary swallowed all the abuses showered on the political leaders that night but never forgave the Chogyal for this.”⁴

Tripartite Agreement 1973

(Left to Right) Kewal Singh (Indian Foreign Secretary), Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, K.S. Bajpai (Indian Political Officer) and Karma Topden (Deputy Secretary to the Chogyal) during the signing of the Tripartite Agreement of May 8^th, 1973, in Gangtok.

There were mixed reactions to the May 8 Agreement. The Indian Press hailed it as a “significant breakthrough”. Kazi and his colleagues viewed it as a decisive victory for their party. But the Chogyal, sensing the agreement to be an “eyewash”, remained a “silent spectator”. He was acutely aware of New Delhi’s role in the present turmoil in Sikkim and was certain that the signing of the May 8 Agreement was a prelude to “bigger things”. “His first disillusionment came when the May 8 Agreement was placed before the Indian Parliament. He called me and asked the implications. When I told him that this was going to be the basis of the new political arrangement, he blew up. Based on the assurances of the Foreign Secretary, he considered it only a public relations document, treating April 23 Agreement as the valid one. When told that subsequent agreement on the same issue supersedes the previous one, specially when it was a tripartite agreement and placed before the Indian Parliament, he accused the Foreign Secretary of duplicity and breach of faith,” writes Das. He adds: “The Chogyal lost complete confidence in Kewal Singh and his doubts that Delhi was planning the merger of Sikkim never left him thereafter.”⁵

The May 8 Agreement, signed between the Chogyal, the Government of India represented by the Foreign Secretary, and five representatives of the three major political parties of Sikkim led by L.D. Kazi (SNC), K.C. Pradhan (SJC) and Netuk Tsering Lama (SNP),  was a major achievement for New Delhi and anti-Chogyal, anti-Sikkim forces in Sikkim. The April agitation and subsequent Indian takeover of Sikkim’s administration on April 8, culminating in the tripartite agreement is significant. The signing of the Agreement marked a decisive phase in the kingdom’s political development, and was, as suspected by the Chogyal and Sikkimese nationalists, one of the major steps to make Sikkim a part and parcel of India.

(Ref: SONS OF SIKKIM: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications & Notion Press, 2020.)