A Thousand Years Struggle
To Preserve “Sikkim For
Sikkimese”
The time has come for the Sikkimese people,
irrespective of caste, creed and community, to stand up for their rights,
assert themselves, and be heard. We have for long placed much hope on the
political leadership in the State to come to their senses and build a strong,
stable, peaceful, prosperous and united Sikkim, which is not only in the
interest of Sikkimese people but also those who have been living in the State
in the past so many decades and for the country’s security interest in the
region.
It has now become more than clear that the
combined political leadership in the State has failed to live up to the
expectations of the people. The corrupt, communal, immoral and dictatorial
forces in the State in the past so many years and months have virtually turned
Sikkim into a den of thieves, a place where the Sikkimese people and others
living here have been forced to live in great humiliation and indignity. The Sikkimese people, comprising of the three
ethnic groups – Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese – instead of being masters of
their own destiny, have virtually become foreigners in their own homeland.
The democratic movement of the people for
restoration of freedom, democracy and justice in the State of Sikkim has now
turned sour. Instead of forging ahead with clear vision and determination to
set things rights the political leadership from almost all political parties
are giving undue importance to petty matters. This is a clear indication that
the hopes and aspirations of the Sikkimese people have been sacrificed to
fulfill the greed, ambition and self-interest of a few individuals at the top.
Corrupt and communal forces, aided by an
evil nexus of bureaucrats, businessmen and politicians, who have in the past so
many years trampled over the rights and interests of the Sikkimese people, are
once again flexing their muscle and making their ugly presence felt in State
politics. They are determined to stay in power at whatever the cost. It is at
such times as these that we ought to remind ourselves of the need to place our
long-term interest before short-term gains and make a determined effort to “pay
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any
foe, in order to assure the survival and success of liberty,” democracy and
justice.
Let us remind ourselves at this point of
time that the real issue in our State is a fight between those who wish to wipe
us out and remain perpetually in power at whatever the cost and those who have
for long suffered and endured the system that thrives on lies, deceit, and
corruption. The people in general today may be fooled into believing something
else but we believe and are convinced that the real issue and the real fight in
Sikkim today is not between this or that party or between this or that
community. The real issue and the real fight is between the rich and the poor,
between the haves and have-nots. A microscopic section of the elite, who have
usurped power and perfected the intricate art of corruption and communal
politics, are a class of their own, and do not belong to any particular
community. They want to remain at the top forever.
This is not possible. We cannot take this
nonsense any longer. It is time that the Sikkimese people from all communities
and from all walks of life and age assert themselves and take a firm and united
stand and say in a loud and unequivocal voice that “Enough is enough.’ The need of the hour is unity and solidarity
amongst the Sikkimese people to preserve “Sikkim for Sikkimese.
By forming the Organisation of Sikkimse
Unity (OSU) we have declared a thousand years war against those who wish to
destroy the unity, identity and communal harmony of the Sikkimese people and
the nation’s security interest in the region. Other organizations and
individuals may involve themselves in petty matters and contest elections. We
who belong to the Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU) will fight for the
basic rights and interests of the Sikkimese people no matter how long and hard
the battle is. We shall fight in the Assembly. We shall fight in the
Parliament. We shall fight in the Court and in the Press. If need be, we shall
fight in the fields and in the streets. Wherever we are, whatever we do, we
shall fight. We shall never surrender. Never.
(Ref: Sikkim Observer, Jigme N. Kazi, October 24, 1994, The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Hill Media Publications, 2014.)
APPENDIX – II
Source: Sikkim Observer
Date: August 18, 1999
Title: Respect Merger Terms, Restore
Seats
Column: Document
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On the occasion of the Pang
Lhabsol celebrations in Sikkim on August 26, 1999, Jigme N. Kazi, Chairman
of Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU) issued Press statement, demanding
restoration of political rights of the Sikkimese. The following is the full
text of the statement:
-------------------------------------------
Two
decades and six years back the Sikkimese people signed a historic pact on May
8, 1973. Leaders of three major political parties representing the three ethnic
communities of Sikkim
– Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese – signed the Tripartite Agreement on May 8,
1973. The signing of this historic Agreement, which reflected the will of the
Sikkimese people, was witnessed by the Chogyal of Sikkim and the representative
of the Government of India, who were also signatories of this accord.
The
1973 Agreement fully protected the political rights of bonafide Sikkimese
people. The Government of Sikkim Act, 1974 and Article 371F of the
Constitution, which provides special status to Sikkim, reflect the spirit of
the May 8 Agreement and the Kabi Longstok pact.
On
this historic day of Pang Lhabsol (August 26, 1999), being observed as
Sikkimese Unity Day, let us renew our pledge to foster peace, unity and
harmony. Seven centuries back in the latter half of the 13th
century, our ancestors swore eternal blood-brotherhood pact on this day. The
Guardian Deities of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people belonging to the three
ethnic communities were witnesses to this historic oath-taking ceremony.
This
treaty of peace, unity and harmony among the Sikkimese people remained intact
over the centuries till two and half decades back when the kingdom of Sikkim
became a part of the Indian Union in 1975. As we enter the next millennium let
us not only look back to where we have come from but let us look forward and
renew our pledge for a common destiny.
There
can be no better way to preserve our unity and identity without the fulfillment
of our demand on restoration of our political rights which were taken away
prior to the first elections after the merger. The Sikkimese people have the
right to preserve their distinct identity within the framework of the
Constitution as enshrined in Article 371F.
Restoration
(demand) of the Assembly seat reservation for the three ethnic communities in
the State have been raised by the combined political leadership in the State in
the past two decades. In the four consecutive Assembly elections the Assembly
seat issue has been a major political issue of all major political parties in Sikkim.
In this election, too, the seat reservation issue continues to be a major
political issue. But despite having given top priority on the seat issue by
successive State governments the Centre has failed to concede to this
long-pending demand of the Sikkimese people. Inspite of the Centre’s delay in
meeting the just demand of the people there is the need for us to work unitedly
to achieve our common objective for restoration of our political rights.
Pending
the disposal of the seat reservation demand it is the political leadership in
Sikkim which must respect the sentiments of the people on the issue. Those who
genuinely believe in the fight for restoration of the political rights of the
Sikkimese people ought to field bonafide Sikkimese candidates in the 32
Assembly constituencies and the lone Lok Sabha seat.
It
is still not too late to take a principled stand on the basic political rights
of the people. Let us not trample upon the sacred rights of the people in our
blind pursuit for power. There is no better way to convince the Centre and the
people of Sikkim
of our genuineness on the seat issue than rigidly implementing what we have in
mind on this vital issue in the coming elections. The time has come for each
one of to make our stand loud and clear on the issue.
The
allotment of seats to various candidates by the political leadership in the
State will be taken as an outward indication of their inner conviction. In the
process each individual politician and their parties stand to gain or lose from
the stand they have taken.
There is no question of the Organisation of
Sikkimese Unity (OSU) taking part in the electoral process. As long as seats in
the Assembly and the Parliament are not guaranteed to the Sikkimese people,
belonging to the three ethnic communities we shall not participate in the elections.
No
matter what the future holds for us the Organisation of Sikkimese Unity on this
historic and sacred day reiterates its pledge and commitment to the Sikkimese
people to preserve Sikkim’s distinct identity within then Union. We shall fight
in the Assembly. We shall fight in the Parliament. We shall fight in the Court
and in then Press. If need be, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets.
Wherever we are, whatever we do, we shall fight. We shall never surrender.
Never.
APPENDIX - III
Source: Sikkim
Observer
Date: July 29, 2000
Title: Nil
Column: People want to know, people have a right to know.
With a view to
informing the people the stand taken by the Organisation of Sikkimese Unity
(OSU) on the Assembly seat issue, which has generated a lot controversy and
confusion, Sikkim Observer makes
public the memorandum sent to several chief ministers of the country by the OSU
on the seat issue this week:
------------------------------------------------------
Political
uncertainty in the former kingdom of Sikkim, ruled by the erstwhile Chogyals of
the Namgyal Dynasty since 1642, led to the signing of the Tripartite Agreement
of May 8, 1973, between the Chogyal (King), Government of India and leaders of
three major political parties representing the three ethnic communities
(Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese) of Sikkim. The 1973 accord fully protected the
political rights of the bonafide Sikkimese, who possessed the Sikkim Subjects
Certifcate issued by the Durbar.
Assembly
elections in Sikkim were held under the 1973 Agreement in April 1974. Only the
‘Sikkim Subjects’ were allowed to participate in the April 1974 Assembly
elections. In July 1974, the Chogyal gave his consent to the Government of
Sikkim Bill passed by the Sikkim Assembly. The 1974 Act, while bringing Sikkim closer to India,
made Sikkim an ‘Associate State’
of India.
Political developments in Sikkim finally led to Sikkim becoming the 22nd
State of the Indian Union in April 1975.
Sikkim formally became a part of the Indian
Union with the passing of the 36th Constitution (Amendment) Bill,
1975 by the Indian Parliament on April 26, 1975. Article 371F was inserted in the Constitution
through the amendment, providing special status to Sikkim and the Sikkimese people.
Reservation of all the 32 seats in the Sikkim Assembly for bonafide Sikkimese,
belonging to the three ethnic communities, reflected the special status enjoyed
by the State.
Seat
arrangement in the Sikkim Assembly reflected the age-old sharing of power
between the Bhutias and Lepchas on one hand and the Nepalese on the other. It
also to a large extent preserved Sikkim’s distinct identity within the Union,
fostered peace and communal harmony and ensured political stability in the
strategic and sensitive border State.
Unfortunately,
the Assembly seat reservation of the Sikkiemse were abolished four years after
the merger in 1979. In 1978, the Bhutias and Lepchas of the State were made
Scheduled Tribes under the Scheduled Tribes Order of 1978. It is pertinent to
note that though the People’s Representation (Amendment) Act, 1980 provides
reservation of 12 seats for the Sikkimese Bhutia-Lepchas in the Assembly, other
communities, which were included in the ST list through the 1978 Scheduled
Tribes Order, are also entitled to contest the Assembly elections from the
reserved seats traditionally kept for the original Bhutia-Lepchas of Sikkim
only.
The
Act has not only diluted the political rights of the minority Bhutia-Lepcha
communities but has also violated the assurances given to the Sikkimese people
by the Centre during 1973-75. It has also led to the gradual erosion of the
distinct identity of the indigenous Bhutia-Lepcha community.
Unfortunately
for the Sikkimese Nepalese, except for the two seats reserved for the Scheduled
Castes, all the earlier seats reserved for their community were abolished
through the People’s Representation (Amendment) Act, 1980. Even the two seats
kept for the Scheduled Castes in the Assembly are not technically reserved for
Sikkimese Scheduled Castes. Today, the Sikkimese Nepalese, though still in the
majority, feel utterly insecure and apprehensive about their future in the land
of their origin. Not only were the terms that led to the merger blatantly
violated, the political rights of the Sikkimese people were forcefully,
illegally and undemocratically taken away from the people.
Restoration
of the Assembly seat reservation of the Sikkimese have been raised by the
combined political leadership of Sikkim in the past two decades. In the five
consecutive Assembly elections in Sikkim since 1979, the seat issue
has been a major issue of all major political parties, including national
parties, in the State. Even in the October 1999 Assembly and Lok Sabha
elections in the State all major parties in the State, including the ruling
Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) led by Chief Minister and party President, Pawan
Chamling, promised restoration of Assembly seats if voted to power in its
election manifesto.
But
despite having given top priority on the seat issue by successive State
governments the Centre has failed to concede to the long-pending demands of the
Sikkimese people. Continued violation of the terms that led to Sikkim’s merger
and deprivation of the political rights of the Sikkimese people cannot be
tolerated any longer.
Sensing
that political parties in the State were not too concerned about the seat
issue, the Organsiation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU), an organization of the
Sikkimese people established in 1994, decided to start a mass-based movement
for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people and
preservation of Sikkim’s distinct identity within the Union and within the
framework of the Indian Constitution.
All
political parties and social organizations in Sikkim and all sections of the
population in the Sate will be taken into confidence in the just and democratic
struggle for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people. Both
the Central and State Governments will also be taken into confidence in our
sincere and genuine efforts to preserve Sikkim’s distinct identity within the
Union for the future generations of the Sikkimese people.
Maintenance
of peace, unity and communal harmony among the various sections of the
population in this sensitive and strategic border State is one of the prime
objectives of the OSU as it forges ahead to fight for a just cause. The OSU is
committed to observing peaceful, non-violent and democratic means to achieve
its objectives.
The people of Sikkim, from time to time in the
past twenty years, have made several representations to the authorities in
Delhi and Gangtok of the need to restore the political rights of the Sikkimese
people but so far the plight and problems of the Sikkimese people have been
ignored. If the situation is not handled carefully and timely Sikkim will head towards political
uncertainty. This is neither in the interest of the Sikkimese people nor in the
interest of the nation’s security concerns in the region.
As
we seek your advice, guidance and suggestions we would also like to take this
opportunity to earnestly appeal to you to help the people of Sikkim fight for
restoration of their political rights and preservation of Sikkim’s distinct
identity within the Union as per Article 371F of the Constitution. Elected
members of the Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies, political and
social organizations in Sikkim and in the country and prominent citizens are
requested to extend full support to the issues raised by the Sikkimese people.
For
your information we are enclosing a copy of our memorandum on the seat issue
submitted to the Union Home Minister, Governor and Chief Minister of Sikkim.
We look forward to your positive response.
Yours faithfully,
Sd/-
(Jigme N. Kazi)
Secretary-General
Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX – IV
Source:
Sikkim Observer
Date:
October 21, 2000
Title:
None: OSU’s Appeal On Seat Issue
Column:
Document
The Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU) has appealed to the Sikkimese
Nepalese to freely express their views on the demand for restoration of
Assembly seats for the majority community. The appeal comes at a time when
vested interests have created needless confusion and controversy on the seat
issue following withdrawal of the seat resolution by the Opposition Sikkim
Sangram Parishad (SSP) from the Sikkim Legislative Assembly in June this year.
Future course of action by OSU on the seat issue for the Nepalese will
only be taken up when the majority community takes a clear cut stand on the
issue. Sikkim Observer makes public the Press Statement issued by OSU
this week on the seat issue.
The
Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU) was formed with the sole objective of
protecting the rights and interests of the three ethnic communities of Sikkim
viz. Sikkimese Lepchas, Sikkimese Bhutias and Sikkimese Nepalese. It also
aspires to preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim
within the Union and within the framework of
the Constitution. The organization was revived in September-October 1999 with a
view to ensuring that the long-pending demand of the Sikkimese people on
Assembly seat issue be settled at the earliest.
With
this objective in view, the OSU in March-April 2000 submitted memoranda to the
Union Home Minister, L.K. Advani, and the Sikkim Governor, Chaudhary Randhir
Singh, on the seat issue. In April this year, the OSU submitted a memorandum to
the Chief Minister, Pawan Chamling, urging him to table a resolution on the
seat issue in the Assembly. Former Chief Minister and Opposition Sikkim Sangram
Parishad (SSP) chief, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, was also requested to support the
resolution on the seat issue if moved by the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front
(SDF) in the Assembly. The OSU also requested the members of the Sikkim
Legislative Assembly to support the resolution if tabled in the Assembly.
Both
the ruling party and the SSP initially responded positively to OSU’s request on
the seat issue. The two parties decided to move resolutions on the seat issue
in the Budget Session of the Assembly, which took place in the third week of
June this year. Unfortunately, while the SDF failed to carry out its plan on
the seat issue in the Assembly the SSP was forced to ‘withdraw’ the resolution
in the face of stiff opposition from supporters of the ruling party.
Ever
since June 2000, consistent efforts have been made by vested interests to
create communal disharmony between the minority Bhutia-Lepcha tribals and the
majority Nepalese using the seat issue. Communal pamphleteering, public
speeches and whisper campaign against the minority communities were part of
conspiracy to tear apart the age-old fabric of peace, unity and harmony in the
State.
While
vested interests, for their political and personal gains, may be upto some
mischief it must be borne in mind that the controversy and confusion on the
Assembly seat issue has created doubts in the minds of the people on the views
of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue. Do the Sikkimese Nepalese really
want to preserve, protect and promote their special status in Sikkim. Do they
really want seats reserved for them in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly?
The
controversy created on the seat issue by a section of the people indicates that
the Sikkimese Nepalese either do not want seats reserved for them in the
Assembly or are in two minds on the issue. Doubts have also been raised on
whether the Sikkimese Nepalese want to protect their distinct identity as
‘Sikkimese Nepalese’ or merge their identity with the rest of the Nepalese
residing in the sub-continent and elsewhere.
There
are better and more democratic ways to resolve the seat issue amicably to the
satisfaction of all communities. When the three communities come together to
protect their distinct identity within the Union and within the framework of
Article 371F of the Constitution it will be the proud privilege and honourable
duty and responsibility of their representatives, particularly the elected
representatives, to chalk out a reasonable and mutually-acceptable formula on
the seat issue.
Ever
since 1953 right down to 1974, the people of Sikkim have come together and made
full use of the democratic and constitutional processes to find an acceptable
solution on the Council/Assembly seat formula. This age-old method could and
should have been applied in the present situation. Unfortunately, the
democratic norms were thrown to the wind and the people were threatened with
dire consequences if they dared to raise the issue of restoration of political
rights of the Sikkimese people.
Creating
doubts, suspicion and mistrust among the Sikkimese certainly is not the way to
tackle sensitive issues such as the Assembly seat issue. For 20 years the
people of Sikkim
have given their mandate through the ballot on restoration of Assembly seats.
And what has the political leadership in the State done to meet this demand?
The OSU took up the seat issue last year when political parties failed to take
the matter seriously.
The
organization made consistent efforts to create general awareness on the seat
issue while pressurizing the concerned authorities to do something concrete on
the issue. A resolution on the seat issue in the Assembly would have been the
most democratic and ideal way to discuss and debate on the matter. But this did
not take place and instead a climate of fear, apprehension, mistrust and
disharmony was created with the sole objective of stalling the issue.
Ultimately, it is the Parliament and not the Assembly which has the final say
on the seat issue.
The
OSU was of the firm belief that the Sikkimese Nepalese, like the Sikkimese
Bhutia-Lepchas, did want to retain their special status within the Union. But
in the light of what has happened in the past five months, following withdrawal
of the resolution on the seat issue, and the negative feelings generated by a
section which has become very vocal on the issue, there is the need for the
right-thinking people to speak out their mind loud and clear on the said issue
and not remain silent spectators to what is happening.
The
issues involved are of paramount importance to future generations of all
Sikkimese and Sikkimese Nepalese in particular. It also involves national
security concerns in this strategic and highly sensitive border region.
Therefore, the concerned authorities (politicians, social/political activists,
writers, professionals, bureaucrats, youth and student leaders etc.),
representing the majority community, must speak out their mind on the issue
before it is too late. The OSU is a ‘Sikkimese’ organization and believes in
working for the interest of all bonafide Sikkimese hailing from the three
ethnic communities and others living in the State in the past so many years.
Therefore,
unless the Sikkimese Nepalese from all sections of its population send a
clear-cut message on the seat issue the OSU will not have the moral right and
the authority to pursue further on behalf of the Sikkimese Nepalese on the said
issues. The concerned authorities among the Sikkimese Nepalese are, therefore,
requested to respond speedily on the issues raised here through any means
available to them. The OSU will chalk out its future plan of action for the Sikkimese
people after it has made an in-depth analysis based on the reactions of the
Sikkimese Nepalese on the seat issue.
Sd/-
(Jigme N.
Kazi)
Secretary-General
Organisation
of Sikkimese Unity (OSU)
APPENDIX - V
Source:
Sikkim Observer
Date:
Sept 8-14, 2001
Title:
‘People Power Will Finally Triumph Over Money Power’
Column:
People Want To Know, People Have A Right To Know
Issues raised in Jigme N. Kazi’s reply to the Sikkim Pradesh Congress Committee’s
show cause notice cannot be confined to the Congress party alone. Kazi’s
lengthy reply to charges of “anti-party activities” leveled against him touches
on several core issues that concern the State’s political elite and the people
at large.
“Essentially, the fight is between a few good men or women, who
represent the hopes and aspirations of the Sikkimese people, and a bunch of
opportunists, sometimes masquerading as politicians or social workers, who are
backed by those in power,” says Kazi. He, however, adds, “Ultimately, people
power will triumph over money power.”
Shri Namkha Gyaltsen
President
Sikkim
Pradesh Congress Committee
Gangtok (Sikkim)
Dated: Sept. 2, 2001
Subject:
Show Cause Notice
Sir,
This
has reference to your letter No. SPCC/012/01, dated August 19, 2001, regarding
a show cause not9ice (copy enclosed – Annexure –1) issued to me by the Sikkim
Pradesh Congress Committee for my alleged anti-party activities. In this
connection my reaction to the allegations is as follows:
- Allegation 1: Repeated refusal to attend the SPCC meetings:
(a)
As per records maintained by
the SPCC I have attended most the party meetings held in Sikkim since I joined the party in
November 2000. To verify this fact the register for resolutions/minutes of the
SPCC may be examined. In the absence of Shri Somnath Poudyal, General Secretary
(Organisation and Administration), in the past several months it is I who have
been calling many of the party meetings either verbally or through writing. The
party President, The General Secretary and other PCC Executive Committee
members are well aware of this fact. Therefore, the allegation that I
repeatedly refused to attend party meetings is false, baseless and
politically-motivated.
(b)
I did not attend the party
meetings held in Gangtok on July 27, 2001 and August 19, 2001. I have genuine
reasons for not being able to attend these two meetings:
(i) July 27 meeting: I had informed the
party President that I would not be able to attend the meeting as I was engaged
in observing an important puja at home on this day. The pujas were performed by
five lamas of the Chorten Monastery of Gangtok. They, along with other members
of my family, relatives and workers at my construction site, may be contacted
to verify this fact.
(ii)
August 19 meeting: On August 18 night, the party President rang me up and asked me to
attend a party meeting in Gangtok on August 19 (Sunday). I told him that I
could not attend the meeting as I had already agreed to attend a public meeting
of the Sikkim Sangram Parishad at Sangram Bhawan, Gangtok (SSP letter inviting
me to attend the meeting enclosed – Annexure II). Since it was a Sunday and a
holiday at my press I could not send my reporters to cover the meeting. I
attended the SSP meeting and sat on the press gallery among other journalists.
Local journalists, SSP leaders and workers may be contacted to verify this
fact. The SSP meeting began at 11 a.m. and lasted till 3 p.m. The SPCC meeting
was also called at the same time.
Allegation 2: Attendance at meetings of other political parties:
(i)
I attended two public meetings
of the SSP at the Sangrarm Bhawan, Gangtok on May 24, 2001, the 17th
birth anniversary of the party, (SSP letter inviting me to the meeting enclosed
– Annexure-III) and August 19, 2001. Invitation letter to me from the SSP to
attend these two meetings as a journalist are enclosed. During the two meetings
I sat on the press gallery along with other journalists. SSP workers/leaders
and journalists may be contacted to verify this fact.
(ii) I do not remember attend any other political party meetings of
either the SSP or
any other parties as a journalist or as a Congressman after I joined the
Congress
party in November 2000. The charges leveled against me are not specific.
They
are false, baseless and politically-motivated.
Allegation 3: Misuse of office of the General Secretary of the party by
way of publication of newsitems deliberately distorted to lower the
prestige of the Congress party and party members:
(i)
The charges are not specific. I
edit Sikkim Observer, an English weekly published from Gangtok. The AICC
President, along with other party functionaries from Delhi, are on the mailing list of the paper.
The Observer has carried a number of newsitems, articles etc. on the
Congress party in the past ten months. So far I have not received any complaint
from any Congress worker or leader. On the contrary, many people in the State
have given due credit to me and the paper for the growing popularity of the
party in the State.
(ii) The show
cause may be referring to a newsitem in the Observer dated August 11-17,
2001 captioned: “Stalling SSP-Cong merger aiding ‘vested interests” (copy of
newsitem enclosed – Annexure – IV). If the party wishes to raise any objection
to the said newsitem it should take up the matter with the
Editor/Publisher/Printer of the Observer and not with the SPCC General
Secretary. Though the Editor/Publisher/Printer of the Observer may also be the
SPCC General Secretary it is not correct to penalize the General Secretary on
the basis on the newsitem. The action taken against me is an indirect method to
impose indirect press censorship and suppress freedom of the Press, an issue
the Indian National Congress has always been championing.
If the Observer report is baseless
appropriate action may be initiated against the paper. However, if the report
is based on facts and feelings of the people appropriate action should be
initiated against the concerned persons who are indulging in anti-party
activities and damaging the image of the Congress in the eyes of the people.
I believe the
actual reason why the SPCC, during its meeting held in Gangtok on August 19,
2001, decided to suspend me from the party for alleged anti-party activities is
because I was perceived as a stumbling block for a few Congress leaders who are
bent on placing their personal interests above the interest of the party and
the people at large.
Having replied to the show cause notice it
is my bounded duty to place before the party leadership the developments within
the Congress party in the past few months and the present political situation
in the State in the right perspective.
Independent observers, including Congress
workers, and the people, by and large, are convinced that casteist and communal
forces, aided by rampant corruption in the administration, have not only
destroyed the age-old peace, harmony and unity of the Sikkimese people, but
have also hindered real economic development in the State. If prompt and
appropriate action is not taken at the right time by the concerned authorities,
which include the Congress party, there is every possibility of this sensitive
and strategicallylocated border State heading towards an unchartered
destination, which is likely to endanger national unity and integrity.
I believe that the need of the hour is for
all secular and democratic forces to put aside their personal interests and
differences and work for the larger and long-term interests of the State and
the country as a whole. Despite being the major player in the State’s
integration into the mainstream the Indian National Congress has never won a
single Assembly elections in Sikkim
ever since it became the 22nd State of the Union
in April 1975. The Congress party
managed to form the government in Sikkim through the backdoor on two
occasions – in 1981 and 1994. Had the
party formed an alliance with the Opposition Sikkim Sangram Parishad in the
October 1999 Assembly elections it would have faired well. Unfortunately, the
party did not even win a single seat in the 32-member House. The Congress party
got only 4% of the votes polled while the SSP took 44% of the votes and won
seven seats. This ought to be a matter
of concern for all Congress leaders and workers.
The fact that the SSP President, Shri Nar
Bahadur Bhandari, wants to merge his party (SSP) with the Congress has been
brought to the knowledge of the AICC and the PCC. With the approval of the PCC
and with the prior knowledge and consent of the AICC talks were initiated on
SSP’s merger with the Congress since January 2001. The PCC President, Shri
Namkha Gyaltsen, had written a letter to the AICC President, Shrimati Sonia
Gandhi, in January 2001 on this matter (letter enclosed – Annexure-V). While
the talks have progressed on the said issue it came to an abrupt end when the
PCC Executive Committee at its meeting held in Gangtok on Jly 27, 2001 decided
that the merger of the SSP with the Congress be suspended temporarily. The
press release of the party meeting on July 27 is enclosed (Annexure – VI).
Circumstances in
which the process of the proposed merger of the Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP)
with the Indian National Congress, which began in December-January this year,
and which came to an abrupt and unexpected end, albeit temporarily, on July 27,
have formed me to set the records straight and also to place certain vital
issues and events on record.
I do this with utmost sincerity and honesty
not only for the interest of the Congress party but also in the larger interest
of the State and the country as a whole. I am persuaded and am convinced that
the Congress leadership and party workers, within and outside the State, have a
right to know how, why and who takes decisions on their behalf on various
matters that concern them and the people at large.
It was under the direction and guidance of
the PCC President, Shri Namkha Gylatsen, and with due permission from the AICC
and PCC that Shri Balchand Sarda, PCC Treasurer, former MLA and one of the most
respected and seniormost Congressmen in Sikkim, and I, PCC General Secretary,
became official mediators of the party for talks with the SSP President, Shri
Nar Bahadur Bhandari, on the merger issue. Out main role has been to arrange
meetings between the leaders of the two parties for discussion on the said
issue.
Starting from January 2001 we pursued the
matter most sincerely giving it the priority that such matter deserves. After
holding several meetings with Shri Bhandari – in at least three of these
meetings the PCC President was present – we finally received a written document
from Shri Bhandari where he put forward several conditions for the proposed
merger.
Out last and perhaps the most important
meeting with Shri Bhandari was held in Gangtok on June 20. The PCC President
was also present during this meeting. The outcome of this meeting was very
fruitful and all of us decided to brief Shri Mani Shankar Aiyar on the merger
issue with a view to taking the matter to its logical conclusion during the
AICC’s political training camp in Guwahati on July 13-14.
Realising that
informal talks on the merger issue had reached a final stage just before our
Guwahati meet it was now the right time to take up the matter officially with
the PCC as well as the AICC while observing the due process on such matters.
However, despite these developments we were
surprised to note that the matter was not presented to Shri Aiyar in the right
perspective. Instead, the party leadership conveyed the impression that it
wanted to contest the ensuing Panchayat polls on its own and asked for Shri
Aiyar’s views on the matter and funds from the AICC to contest the polls.
Shri Aiyar clearly told us that before
forming any kind of strategy on the panchayat polls the party should first
settle whether there is going to be an outright merger with the SSP or just an
alliance. Only after this matter is settled the party should formulate its
strategy on the ensuing panchayat polls. Shri Aiyar indicated that some of the
conditions placed before the party by the SSP President may not be acceptable
but he clearly and very categorically stated that matters regarding the merger
and panchayat polls should be decided before August 31.
Despite Shri Aiyar’s clear instruction on
the two issues an emergent meeting of the PCC Executive Committee was fixed for
July 27. The decision to hold this meeting took place in Guwahati itself.
During the July 27 meeting the PCC Executive Committee decided to temporarily
close the chapter on the merger issue. The reason given for this abrupt move
was that the conditions placed by Shri Bhandari were too “rigid” and,
therefore, not acceptable to the party.
After the Guwahati meet and just before the
July 27 PCC meeting PCC President’s comments on the merger issue was carried in
a local English weekly: “As of now the merger between the Congress (I) and the
Sikkim Sangram Parishad is temporarily suspended” (Weekend Review July 20-26,
2001). Judging by Shri Gyaltsen’s remarks and the development that followed it
appears that the decision to put an abrupt end to the proposed SSP-Cong merger
was taken even before the PCC meeting on July 27. Is this just and democratic?
(copy of newsitem enclosed – Annexure – VII).
In view of the above background I would like to place
on record the following points:
1. Shri Bhandari remains an influential figure
in State politics. The proposed merger of the SSP with the INC is a big issue
not only for the two parties but for the State as a whole. A few leaders at the
top alone cannot and must not be allowed to take decisions either in favour or
against the merger. It is perfectly OK to confine the talks among a few
selected Congressmen at the initial stage. However, once the preliminary
discussion are over all levels of the party’s hierarchy must be taken into
confidence while deciding on the said matter. The AICC ought to be the deciding
factor on such important matters.
- The importance of observing the democratic process and
involving party workers from the grassroots level on the said issue was emphasized
by Shri Aiyar to the PCC President and myself during his visit to the
State in June this year. Shri Aiyar very specifically stated that it was
not enough for the PCC alone to pass a resolution welcoming Shri Bhandari
in to the party. He asked us to call a general body meeting of the party
and place the issue before them. This was never done. Shri Aiyar also said
a tripartite meeting between the AICC, PCC and SSP should be held in Delhi
to sort out contentious issues once the merger process is formally under
progress.
- When the PCC President raised the subject of the ensuing
panchayat polls in Sikkim
during our brief meeting with Shri Aiyar in Guwahati on July 13, Shri
Aiyar very categorically said the party should first decide on the
proposed merger issue before raising the subject regarding panchayat
polls. He specifically instructed the party leaders to first sort out
whether the party wants a complete merger, an alliance or seat adjustment
with the SSP for the panchayat polls before August 31 an then come to
Delhi for talks. As far as my knowledge goes this very specific direction
was not carried out to its logical conclusion. Why?
- The emergent meeting of the PCC Executive Committee was called
on July 27 to discuss on the ensuing panchayat polls and “other party
matters”. The panchayat polls was the ‘principal agenda’ for the said
meeting as per the calling letter (letter enclosed – Annexure – VIII) for
the said meeting. No specific mention was made in the letter that the
meeting would discuss the merger issue and yet a very important decision
was taken on this issue. Why?
- A Press release of the party after the July 27 meeting said the
conditions put forward by Shri Bhandari for the proposed merger were not
acceptable to the AICC as well as the PCC. Apart from Shri Aiyar’s
reaction on the conditions the PCC, in my view, has no knowledge about the
AICC’s views on the conditions put forward by the SSP President. If the
PCC leadership has received the AICC’s views on this it must and should
let party workers know about it. Observation of the democratic process
demands transparency, openness and accountability at all levels of
functioning.
- Shri Bhandari did place his conditions in writing before the
Congress part. The PCC had earlier demanded that if Shri Bhandari is
really keen on joining the Congress and merging his party with it he
should spell out his conditions in black and white. The SSP President
responded positively to this request. That some of his conditions are
unacceptable to some of us is a different matter altogether. But did the
SPCC (I) President reciprocate Shri Bhandari’s gesture and place before
him our reactions and conditions for the proposed merger? No we did not.
Instead, we temporarily closed the chapter without even having the courtesy
to inform him of our decision, leave alone placing before him our
conditions. We, too, have out terms and conditions on matters regarding
party organization, elections, issues etc. for the proposed merger. Were
we ever given an opportunity to place our views on this issue on record?
- Democratic process and decency demands that the PCC President
formally place before the PC, DCC etc. the demands and conditions put
forward by the SSP President. Discussing the conditions placed by Shri
Bhandari with a few Congressmen informally is not enough. When the PCC
authorizes the PCC President to obtain Shri Bhandari’s conditions for the
proposed merger in writing it was expected that copies of the conditions
made by him be distributed to party leaders and workers to study and apply
their mind and react to it before taking a final decision on the issue.
Unfortunately, this was never done. Although
I had a brief glimpse of the conditions on two occasion, I, though the General
Secretary of the party, do not have a copy of it. Shri Bhandari is a
controversial figure and each of us will surely react favourably, adversely or
neutrally on the proposed merger. However, after a thorough discussion and
debate a consensus must be arrived at on the issue in the interest of the party.
The PCC’s executive body alone cannot have the final stay on the merger issue.
The process that took almost 7 months cannot be put to rest, albeit
temporarily, in one single meeting of the Executive Committee of the PCC when a
positive note had been struck on the issue. Is the decision on the merger issue
taken by the Executive Committee on July 27 in favour of the Congress party or
the ruling party? Proper explanation must be given on this issue.
- The leaders of the Indian National Congress at all levels in
the States as well as the Centre are expected to work in the best interest
of the party and the country at all times. The manner in which the merger
issue has been handles by a section of the PCC leadership recently has
created doubts in the minds of the people of the credibility and integrity
of the SPCC leadership and the image of the party as a whole in the State.
That the above developments have taken place at a time when there are
strong allegations and reports that some Congress leaders are hobnobbing
with those in power and working against the overall interest of the party
are very serious and disturbing developments which calls for a thorough
enquiry by the party high command at the earliest.
It is now almost confirmed that a delegation of the Congress party met
the Chief Minister, Shri Pawan Chamling, at his official residence at
Mintokgang in the morning of July 18, 2001. While no one can object to
Opposition leaders meeting the Chief Minister the fact that such meeting took
place at a time when people, including Congress workers, have doubts and are
suspicious of the dubious role being placed by certain Congress leaders in the
present political situation is highly questionable. Is the Congress high
command functioning from Mintokgang (CM’s official residence) or from 24 Akbar Road in New Delhi? While some of
us are sincerely and seriously working for the best interest of the party
despite being placed under great pressure it is not right, fair and proper if
ever there are those among us who are working for casteist, communal and
corrupt forces and going against the interest of the party and secular and
democratic forces in the State.
My
meeting with the PCC President on August 1 confirmed that at least a dozen
Congress members were present at Mintokgang on July 18. The PCC chief has also
disclosed to me that they had gone to Mintokgang with his prior knowledge and
consent. While the party cannot object to its members meeting the Chief
Minister is it advisable to enter the Chief Minister’s residence at this
juncture? It is high time that the party leadership at the top intervene and
took serious view of the anti-party activities indulged in by rank opportunists
and power brokers within the Congress and set the party in the right course before
more damage is done to the party.
- To enable Congress workers to revive the party from the
grassroots there is the need to identify real and genuine Congress workers
at all levels and allow them to play a more effective and dominant role in
the better functioning of the party in the State. To achieve this
objective the AICC should immediately send a competent and independent
team to thoroughly probe into the activities of the Congress party and
some of its leaders. Only after the team submits a report to the AICC
should the party high command take necessary action. People power should
be mobilized and money power of vested interests should not be allowed to
influence the activities of the party in the State.
10. I strongly believe that there is a
conspiracy, aided by outside forces, to ensure that the Congress party does not
move ahead but remains a stagnant party. Instead of accepting the challenges
and forging ahead we have yielded and submitted ourselves to the evil designs
of our adversaries. Congressmen like myself have become a victim in the present
circumstances. Apart from being suspended from the post of General Secretary I
have also been removed from the post of Co-ordinator, Political Training
Department of the AICC (enclosed SPCC press release of 19.8.2001 – Annexure –
IX).
Having
seen it all I do not have faith and confidence on the present leadership of the
party the State. The party high command ought to take a serious view of the
situation and take immediate remedial steps to set things right. I seek speedy
justice from the party high command on my own behalf, on behalf of the party
workers and the Sikkimese people as a whole.
Yours faithfully,
Sd/-
(Jigme N. Kazi)
Copy to: (i) Shrimati Sonia Gandhi,
President, AICC
(ii) Shri Mani Shanker Aiyar,
AICC Secretary Incharge of Sikkim and
North-East
(iii) Shri Oscar Fernandes,
General Secretary, AICC
APPENDIX – VI
Let Us Come Together and Fight
Ref: Common Cause
Topic: OSU Appeal on Seat Issue
Date: April 2003
(Chairman of the Organisation of Sikkimese Unity
(OSU), Jigme N Kazi, recently made a public appeal to all sections of the
people in Sikkim to join hands and fight for their political rights. The appeal
is reproduced hereunder.)
Despite the
pending demand on restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people
through restoration of Assembly seats reserved for bonafide Sikkimese belonging
to the three ethinic communities (Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese), New Delhi has
stubbornly refused to fulfil the hopes and aspirations of the people and
instead gone and further divided the Sikkimese people into tiny fragments.
The latest
amendment to the Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1978, has caused
much confusion, controversy and apprehension in the minds of bonafide
Sikkimese, particularly the minority and indigenous Bhutia-Lepcha tribals in
the State. They feel that their reserved seats in the Sikkim Legislative
Assembly will be further reduced, leading to their gradual extinction in the
land of their origin.
Limbus and
Tamangs, who have been included in the revised ST list of Sikkim, are also
feeling insecure and doubtful about seat reservation for them in the Sikkim
Legislative Assembly. The Limbu community, also known as Tsongs, have always
been demanding restoration of their seats reserved in the Sikkim Legislative
Assembly. Despite their demand, the Rais, Gurungs, Mangars etc. are yet to be
included in the ST list in the State. The Newars, Bahuns and Chettris, who
belong to the Non-Backward Classes (NBC), are today most insecure about their
future survival in Sikkim.
It is to be noted
that while the Bhutia-Lepchas have been demanding preservation of their unique
and distinct identity through amendment to the ST Order of 1978, which has
wrongly included other communities within the definition of “Sikkimese
Bhutias”, the demand for restoration of Assembly seats for bonafide Sikkimese
Nepalese is still kept pending. As a matter of fact not even one seat is
reserved for the Sikkimese people in the Assembly although on the surface it
would seem that 15 seats are reserved for the BLs (12), Sangha (1) and
Scheduled Castes (2).
It is time for
all of us to understand the present situation and say enough is enough. Further
violation of the provisions of the Tripartite Agreement of May, 8, 1973,
Government of Sikkim Act, 1974 and Article 371F of the Constitution of India,
which was inserted in the Constitution in 1975 when Sikkim joined the
mainstream, cannot be tolerated any longer.
The authorities
in Delhi and Gangtok are widely aware or should be aware of the need to give
top priority to safeguarding national security concerns in this sensitive and
strategic border region. Genuine national unity and integration can come when
people in their respective States, particularly in strategic border regions,
are safe and secure. If those in power are truly and genuinely concerned over
these vital issues then let all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three
ethnic communities be included in the ST list in the State and let all of them
enjoy all economic, educational and employment benefits which are meant for all
STs at the national level. If this is done then special care must be taken in
all respect to safeguard the rights and interests of the economically and
educationally weaker sections of the people in the State who belong to all
communities.
However, while
ST status may be granted to all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three
ethnic communities, seats in the Assembly should be reserved for them on the
basis of their ethnicity as per Article 371F of the Constitution, which reflect
the provisions of the May 8, 1973 Agreement and Government of Sikkim Act, 1974,
and not on the basis of them being given ST status. If these two demands are
fulfilled it will bring genuine national integration while also preserving
Sikkim’s special status within the Union.
Let other
Sikkimese, who are locally referred to as ‘purano byapari’ (old business
community), be identified through a cut-off year, and given a special place in
Sikkim. These people, who hail from the plains and hill regions of the country,
belong to all communities and have been living in Sikkim for generations. Most
of them have been born and brought up in Sikkim and regard Sikkim as their
homeland. It is the moral duty of all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three
ethnic communities to provide adequate political and economic safeguards to
such category of people so that they, too, feel safe and secure in Sikkim.
The time has
finally come for all Sikkimese people to rise up to the occasion and shoulder
the responsibility entrusted to them by generations of the Sikkimese people yet
to come. The Centre has already initiated the process of delimitation of
Assembly constituencies in Sikkim without increasing the number of seats in the
Assembly. This process is likely to be completed before the Assembly elections
in Sikkim scheduled for October 2004. If we fail to meet the demand on seat
issue now then we may have to wait till 2025 to resolve the issue which is
rather too late.
At this moment,
the Organisation of Sikkimese Unity (OSU), whose main objective is to preserve
the distinct identity of Sikkim and the Sikkimese people within the Union and
within the framework of the Constitution, makes a fervent appeal to all
sections of the Sikkimese people to come together, forge unity and march ahead
to fight for their legitimate constitutional, democratic and human rights. To
achieve this goal the OSU calls for formation of “Democratic Alliance” of all
like-minded political and social organizations in Sikkim to lead a mass
movement for restoration of the political rights of the Sikkimese people. It is
through unity that we will be able to arrive at a seat formula in the Assembly
which is reasonable, just and acceptable to all sections of the people, the
State Government and the Centre.
We know and are
deeply aware that the odds are great. The agents of division and disunity are
working overtime and are actively at work for their vested interests. There is
no better and effective way to frustrate their evil designs then for all of us
to join hands and mobilize people power to fight against money power.
Let this hour of
crisis and confusion herald the dawn of a new era in Sikkim politics. Let us
all resolve to stand firm, resolute and maintain our self-respect and dignity,
unity and fight on. Let those who make tall promises and yet relentlessly
pursue their hidden agenda know that we are able and determined to pay any
price and bear any burden to safeguard the unity and identity of the Sikkimese
people. Let them know once and for all that............ We shall fight in the
Assembly. We shall fight in the Parliament. We shall fight in the Court and in
the Press. And if need be, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets.
Wherever we are, whatever we do, we shall fight. We shall never surrender.
Never.
(Jigme N. Kazi)
Chairman
ORGANISATION OF
SIKKIMESE UNITY
APPENDIX - III
Glossary
Index
