Bhandari’s 1985 Comeback

ONE-MAN RULE BEGINS

Bhandari emerged as a new politician after the March 1985 elections. He was more powerful, confident, authoritative and somewhat cocky. He demanded complete submission to his authority and he got it. He did not tolerate any criticism from both within or outside the party. Political parties and social organisations had to either join him or face being silenced forever. The press was told to behave or face the consequences. Some newsmen, however, refused to bend their knees and bow down to the highest authority in the State. They paid dearly for their stand.

    Bhandari

   The message of the new regime was clear – Bhandari was the new ruler and all others were his subjects. His supporters portrayed him as new raja and his wife the new rani. They were the Nepalese version of the Chogyal and the Gyalmo, and together they tried to live up to this image and re-enact past dramas of the Chogyal-era. Not only did the red and white SSP flags fly from every housetop, Bhandari’s portraits adorned every household and shops in the State. Sycophancy and hero-worship became the order of the day.

   The only visible opposition parties in Sikkim – the Congress (I) and the Naya Sikkim Party (NSP) – completely disappeared from the political scene after their debacle in the Assembly elections. There was also no trace of the Congress (R), Himali Congress and the Sikkim United Council. Poudyal himself took the blame for the party’s defeat and resigned from party chief’s post after the elections and chose to keep quiet. Infighting within the Congress (I) continued over the leadership issue and party activities in the State came to a standstill. By then, it was clear to everyone that the era of ‘one-man-rule and one-party-system’ had begun.

   The defeat of prominent tribal leaders – some of them ex-ministers and office-bearers of the Congress (I) – in the March 1985 Assembly elections justified the apprehension that though13 seats were reserved for the BLs, genuine tribal candidates who had some standing amongst the people could not be voted as the majority of the voters in the reserved constituencies of the BLs were Nepalese.

   The only visible political activity in Sikkim after Bhandari’s comeback in 1985 was the move for formation of a strong and united tribal organisation in Sikkim. The initiative towards this goal was taken by the Sikkim Tribal Welfare Association (STWA) under the leadership of Pasang Obed Pazo, ex-secretary of the State Government and a soft-spoken Sikkimese Christian belonging to the Lepcha community. Pazo, who unsuccessfully contested the 1985 Assembly elections as an independent candidate from Gangtok constituency, was the choice of most tribals to head the STWA, which was then the only recognised and credible tribal organisation in Sikkim.

Pazo

   By the end of 1985 almost all tribal organisations in Sikkim, including Denzong Tribal Yargay Chogpa, Sikkim Lhomon Youth Council, Rangjyong Mutanchi Rong Tarzum and Mayel Pronzum, decided to form a ‘joint front’ to work towards the formation of a strong and united tribal body to press for the genuine demands of the tribals and to highlight their basic issues. A Joint Action Committee (JAC), headed by Pazo, was formed to pursue this goal.

   In its six-point memorandum submitted to the Governor, Bhishma Narain Singh, on October 1985, the STWA raised the demand for restoration of reservation of 16 seats in the Assembly for the BLs, delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the House, grant of citizenship to ‘stateless persons’ based on the provisions made under the Sikkim Subjects Regulation and extension of inner-line permit system to check influx of outsiders. These were not new demands but reflected issues raised by the Association in its many memoranda presented, from time to time, to the State and Central government authorities by the STWA ever since its formation in 1978.

   The memorandum explicitly emphasised the need to safeguard the rights and interests of the tribals enshrined in Article 371F of the Constitution, which deals with Sikkim: “With the passage of time, the original inhabitants of Sikkim, namely the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals, have been reduced to a minority in our own homeland and thus endangering our very survival in the land of our origin. The gradual disintegration and destruction of our distinct socio-cultural identity over the past few decades and especially since the merger in 1975, has been the cause of much fear, suspicion and insecurity amongst the tribal community, who have lived in peace and amity in the past so many centuries. We have every reason to believe that we are now on the brink of extinction if proper and timely steps are not taken on this vital matter.”

   Stating that  seats reserved for the tribals had been reduced to 13 from 16, the memorandum pointed out that the reservation of their seats in the Assembly was being challenged by a section of the major community in the highest court of the land. In order to fully protect the minority community, the STWA demanded restoration of the earlier 16 seats reserved for them prior to the merger.

   On the controversial demand for grant of Indian citizenship to the ‘stateless persons’ in Sikkim, the memorandum was even more explicit: “Ethnic representation and reservation of seats in the State Assembly envisages that this right will only be in respect of the ethnic communities of Sikkim. We now feel that all attempts are being made by interested groups and persons, much to the misfortune of the people of Sikkim as a whole, and particularly of the Bhutia-Lepchas, to induct and give citizenship status to a huge number of outsiders for inclusion of their names in the electoral rolls, irrespective of the qualifying years of residence in Sikkim. This will undoubtedly create serious logistical problems and thus the very fabric of Sikkim’s economic, social and political structures will be completely disarrayed, and endanger the very existence of the genuine Sikkimese Indian citizens.”

   The memorandum further added: “Names of foreign nationals, which have been included in the electoral rolls, must be deleted. The identity of those with doubtful citizenship and those who are said to be ‘stateless persons’ must be finalised before granting them rights of citizenship. We propose that Sikkim Subjects Regulation of 1961 be used as a base for the purpose of determining grant of citizenship in Sikkim.  There should be no representation for such persons in the Assembly before finalising their identity.”

   But perhaps the main issue of the tribals, which is well known to everyone in the State, is the demand for ‘genuine representation’ of the tribals in the Assembly through fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies. The STWA, particularly under Pazo’s leadership, highlighted this demand and made its main issue. The memorandum presented to the Sikkim Governor was reflective of this: “The spirit behind the reservation of seats will have no meaning unless and until fresh delimitation of the Assembly constituencies is made to ensure genuine tribal representation in the Legislative Assembly. In spite of the fact that elections have taken place in Sikkim on the democratic principle of equity and justice, the ethnic minority community has not be justly represented in the State Assembly.

   Those who are elected have to depend on the vote-bank dominated and controlled by the major community. As such, the Bhutia-Lepcha candidates, elected from their reserved constituencies, virtually become ineffective to safeguard the basic fundamental rights of the ethnic minority tribals of Sikkim. So far, only two constituencies (Lachen-Mangshilla and Dzongu in North Sikkim) of the 31 territorial constituencies, genuinely represent the tribals in the State. As such, we pray that the constituencies may be so demarcated as to include all pockets dominated by the ethnic tribals for all the seats reserved for them.”

   As one of the general secretaries of the STWA at that time, I was also one of the signatories to this memorandum. Much of my time in 1984-85 was spent on various activities of the Association, which was aimed at creating a general awareness of the basic issues of the Bhutia-Lepcha tribals in the State. As Bhandari was not in favour of any other organisation, particularly independent tribal organisations, coming up in the State, the STWA did not receive much patronage from the government. Almost all tribal legislators kept themselves away from the STWA. But this did not deter us. Most of those who played a leading role in the STWA worked for genuine communal harmony in the State based on mutual respect and trust.

   We did not make any new demands but wanted to safeguard and strengthen whatever was already provided for us under the Constitution of the country. Most conscious tribals were aware of the importance of seats in the Assembly being reserved for the Sikkimese as a whole as had been done in the past. This meant that they also wanted seats to be reserved for the majority Sikkimese Nepalese as well.

  In the Spotlight on Sikkim and Sikkim Observer, I constantly highlighted the need for fresh delimitation of Assembly constituencies for genuine tribal representation in the Assembly. Sikkim is a small place with a population of only 4.50 lacs of which only three and half lacs would be safely categorized into the ‘genuine Sikkimese’ group. Though the Sikkimese Nepalese were in the majority in Sikkim, due to increasing influx of outsiders, they would ultimately be reduced to a minority community just like the BLs. It is in the interest of Sikkim and the Sikkimese, and in the greater interest of the country at large that political rights should be fully restored to the Sikkimese. This would ensure genuine communal harmony and genuine peace in the region.

   The second issue of the SOS dated August 1983 was entirely devoted to the seat reservation issue. My in-depth analysis of the issue showed that seats were reserved for the Sikkimese Nepalese as far back as 1925 when the then Sikkim Council had three representatives from this community. This arrangement continued to stay on even after Sikkim became a part of the Indian Union. Changes in the Assembly seat arrangement were brought about only prior to the 1979 elections. These facts analytically documented in the Spotlight on Sikkim (SOS) became the basis for various organisations, including the SSP, to press for their demand for restoration of seat reservation in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly for all Sikkimese.

   In the editorial of the second issue of the SOS, I pointed out: “Underlying the demand for reservation of seats for Sikkimese Nepalese in the Assembly, is the fear that if this demand is not conceded, even the majority community of today will one day be reduced to a minority. This will eventually lead to the gradual extinction of the distinct cultural and historical identity of the people of Sikkim, which has been preserved down the centuries.

   This fear is justified when one considers the phenomenal rise in the population of Sikkim during the last ten years. This is mainly due to the sudden influx of outsiders into Sikkim after the merger of Sikkim with the Indian Union in1975. The population rose from 2.10 lacs in 1971, to 3.16 lacs in 1981, showing a record increase of about one lac in a decade. The population of Sikkim was approximately 60,000 in 1901, and rose steadily to about one lac in 1931. After thirty years, it reached 1.60 lacs in 1961.”

   In the editorial of the Sikkim Observer dated December 4-10, 1988, on seat reservation for Sikkimese Nepalese, I wrote: “There are certain misconceptions regarding the seat reservation demand and the political parties have not been able to convince the authorities about the genuineness of this demand. The demand is for restoration of seats, which were kept for the Sikkimese, irrespective of which community they come from.

   The Sikkimese Nepalese may be in a majority today but if proper safeguards are not made for them today, who will be able to stand up for them when they are reduced to a microscopic minority in the near future? To say that the Sikkimese Nepalese are immigrants from Nepal is not only a distortion of history, it is also a blatant attack on the unity of the Sikkimese people, who, despite occasional infighting, have been living peacefully in these hills for centuries. A section of those hailing from the Nepali community in the State may be recent settlers in Sikkim or are residing here on a temporary basis, but the majority of simple-minded and peace-loving Nepalese are Sikkimese and they deserve reservation in the Assembly just as the minority Bhutia-Lepchas. Sikkim is the homeland of all the three ethnic communities, who thirteen years ago, were brought into the mainstream.”

   When I sensed that the tribal Association was going on the right path and was able to stand on its own feet, I quietly opted out from the executive body and my name did not figure in the new executive committee list after the elections of the office-bearers of the Association held in November 1985. I was literally forced into the Association when some of the office-bearers of the Association were unable to perform their duties and involve themselves in organisational work due to ill health and old age. Many tribals feared being harassed by the ruling party if they associated themselves with the STWA.

   Though the STWA was not a political organisation, the issues raised by it and its influence on the State’s tribal populace, had political connotations. Bhandari realised this and took preventive measures to halt the onward march for a strong, united and genuine tribal organisation in Sikkim. In his view, the Sikkim Sangram Parishad was the only voice in Sikkim representing the hopes and aspirations of all sections of the people. Any new organisation in Sikkim, which came up with its own agenda and did not acknowledge the authority and supremacy of the SSP, was viewed as ‘anti-people’, and was to be done away with.

  Sometime in June 1986, the STWA activities came to an abrupt end with a section of the tribal leadership in the State who were under the influence of the ruling party rejected Pazo’s leadership and forcefully and undemocratically dissolved the STWA. A meeting held in Hotel Tashi Delek in Gangtok on May 16, 1986, by some pro-SSP tribals made attempts to dissolve the executive body of the STWA headed by Pazo and called for fresh elections. The meeting, unlike other meetings of the STWA held under Pazo’s leadership, was attended by ruling party ministers, MLAs, senior government officials and tribal representatives, who were close to the SSP. Also present in the meeting were some executive body members of the STWA and the former president and vice-president of the STWA, Sonam Dorji and Dorji Dahdul, respectively.

   The meeting, which I personally witnessed, was pre-planned and the main aim was to discredit the activities of the STWA led by Pazo who was dubbed as a ‘self-styled president’. Even those who were earlier with Pazo, including Dahdul, who spoke during the meeting, did not make any mention of him and his contributions for the tribals. Both Dorji and Dahdul sat on the dais along with the VIPs and maintained a conspicuous silence. It was Dahdul, ex-chief secretary of Sikkim who personally requested Pazo to take charge of the Association in 1984-85. He himself made a mention of this to me personally on several occasions. Unfortunately, Dahdul did not make any mention of this during his address in the meeting. Dorji, who had earlier resigned from the presidentship of the Association on health grounds, also kept mum and said nothing on the occasion.

    It was obvious from their silence that they sided with the ruling party’s involvement in the affairs of the STWA. Their failure to speak the truth and defend the STWA’s independent existence at such a crucial moment proved that they had stabbed Pazo and the tribals in the back. It was a sad and sorrowful experience to observe how some of our people sold their dignity and identity for their own survival and selfish interests. Perhaps, this was the way how the Sikkimese people sold their country to its protecting power.

   The rebellious instinct in me wanted to expose the rot within but as I neither had the SOS nor the Sikkim Observer and was not even a member of the STWA I could not do anything concrete to expose the farce that I was witnessing. The only thing that I could do was to send a long article to the Telegraph, which unfortunately and surprisingly, was not carried in the paper. The suspicion that there was a conspiracy to install persons favourable to the ruling party in key posts of the Association and to halt the formation of a strong and bigger tribal body was well established.

   The election of the new body of the STWA took place on May 23, 1986, just a day before the second anniversary celebrations of the ruling party. The office-bearers of the newly-formed executive body of the STWA were all ruling party members or supporters. This proved that the SSP was unable to find other tribal leaders to run the organisation apart from its own tribal legislators. It also reflected the poor hold the ruling party had among the tribals in Sikkim.

   Ram Lepcha, the Deputy Speaker, was elected the new President of the STWA, with Bhandari becoming its Chief Patron. Thukchuk Lachungpa, Forest Minister, was elected as the General Secretary, while Chamla Tshering, Finance Minister, became the Treasurer. Other members of the new-formed executive body were S.M. Limbu (SC/ST Minister), Karma Topden (MP), and Namkha Gyaltsen (Sangha MLA). Several State Government secretaries, who were close to the ruling party – Passang Namgyal, Tashi Topden and Sonam Wangdi – were also included in the executive body of the STWA.

   Till today, the STWA continues to be dominated by ruling party ministers and MLAs, and the tribal body, which once was an independent and credible organisation, is now regarded as one of the frontal wings of the SSP. The elected tribal representatives had not only failed to represent the tribals in the Assembly and elsewhere, on the contrary, they succeeded in suppressing the voice of independent and democratic tribal organisations in the State for their own petty gains.

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, 1993.)