SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday April 13-19,
2013
President to visit Sikkim, northeast in
April-May
New Delhi, April 12:
President Pranab Mukherjee will visit the northeastern states in April and May,
an official statement from Rashtrapati Bhawan said on Saturday.
During his one-day visit to
Sikkim on April 16, the President will lay the foundation stone of Sikkim
University in Yangang, South Sikkim.
From April 15 to 17, the President
will be visiting Manipur and Sikkim in the first phase of his tour. He will
attend the diamond jubilee function of Adimjati Shiksha Ashram at Imphal.
In the second phase, the President
will visit Assam, Nagaland and Tripura from May 13 to 16, ANI reported.
On May 13, he will present the
Asom Ratna Award to Mamoni Raisom Goswami (posthumously) and Srimanta Shankardev
Award for the year 2008 to Sharmila Tagore.
He will also attend the closing
ceremony of the golden jubilee celebrations of the Pandu College at Guwahati on
the same day. The next day, he will address the annual convocation of Assam
University at Silchar.
President Mukherjee will attend
the third Convocation of Nagaland University at Lumami, Nagaland, on May 15.
He will address the Fifth
Convocation of National Institute of Technology, Agartala and attend the Tenth
Convocation of Tripura University at Suryamaninagar, Tripura, on May 16.
Bongthings connected to Pang Lhabsol
rituals felicitated by Tsuklakhang Trust
Grandson of Late Khangchendzonga
Bongthing, Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha, receiving khada and citation award from Pemayangtse Dorje Lopon on behalf of
his grandfather in Gangtok on Sunday.
Gangtok, April 12: With the sole objective of preserving
the former kingdom’s rich and unique religious and cultural heritage, the
Tsuklakhang Trust on Sunday gave due recognition to two Lepcha Bongthings (priests)
and honoured them for being chiefly responsible for keeping alive the ancient
ritualistic tradition connected to worship of Sikkim’s mountain gods – namely
Khangchendzonga and Yabdu.
Late
Khangchendzonga Bongthing Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha from the Lepcha preserve of
Dzongu in North Sikkim and Yabdu Bongthing Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha of Teesta
valley in North Bengal were felicitated for their “selfless services” to Sikkim
and its people for keeping the unique rituals of Pang Lhabsol alive here at a
colourful and historic function, whose chief guest was the Dorje Lopon, head of
Pemayangtse Monastery, Gyalshing, West Sikkim.
The
felicitation is in “recognition of the selfless services and contribution made
by the two very important Bongthings for preserving the rich (and) ageless
tradition of worshipping our guardian deity Kanchendzonga and Yabdu,” Trust
Secretary Namgyal T Bhutia said while addressing the gathering here at Yabring
hall of the Tsuklakhang Monastery.
Reflecting
the sentiments of other Trust members, Bhutia said the “historic function”,
which was “the need of the hour,” was held mainly “to recognize, preserve and
encourage this rich ancient tradition for posterity.”
He
said the Trust was formed in August 1982 by Chogyal Wangchuk Namgyal to preserve
Sikkim’s religious and cultural heritage.
While
stating that the Chogyal’s focus has been “practising Dharma” for last several
years “after renouncing all the comfort of royalty”, he added: “He always reminds us that he offers his
sincere prayers daily for the well being of Sikkim and the Sikkimese
irrespective of wherever he may be.”
The
Trust was formed in August 1982, a few months after Wangchuk Namgyal was
crowned the 13th Chogyal of Sikkim just before the historic funeral
of his late father Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal on February 19, 1982.
Special
invitee SD Tshering, State Government Secretary, said the role of Bongthings is
not confined to observing religious rituals but these ancient priests have made
significant contribution to traditional medicine and herbal knowledge.
“We
hope that this function will generate more interest among the local people to
take greater part in the annual Pang Lhabsol celebrations,” Trust member Sonam
Barfungpa said.
Two
students – Tsegyal Gyatso and Punol Norjet Lepcha – of Tashi Namgyal Academy
(TNA), who wore the traditional Bhutia and Lepcha attire, read out the
citations (full text on page 3).
Prominent
among those present on the occasion were Trust’s Managing Truste Tsetop
Ragasha, Pemayangtse Monastery’s Yapo
Gaydrol Tempa Gyatso Lama, Tsuklakhang Monastery’s Khenpo, former Minister
Sonam Dupden Lepcha, representatives of Lepcha association, and members of some
of Sikkim’s leading families (Mazong, Rhenock, Tateng to name a few), which
have made significant contributions to Sikkim’s history and culture.
Sikkimese Nepalese at the crossroads
ST Assembly seats for
Limbu-Tamangs would be end of special status of Sikkimese Nepalese
WITHOUT FEAR OR FAVOUR
Jigme N Kazi
Reservation of seats in the
Sikkim Legislative Assembly for Limbus and Tamangs on the basis of their status
as scheduled tribes will hasten the death knell of the distinct identity of
Sikkimese Nepalese in the former kingdom of Sikkim. As has been witnessed,
dilution of Sikkim’s special status within the Union has been a gradual process
and New Delhi seems to be succeeding in its efforts to erase whatever is left
of Sikkim’s past.
Despite its repeated emphasis
on preservation of Sikkim’s special status as per provisions of Article 371F of
the Constitution the political leadership in the State has unitedly demanded
reservation of Assembly seats for the Limbu-Tamang community, who have been
declared scheduled tribes in 2002. Is this move a bid to appeal to the
Limbu-Tamang vote-bank or is our political leadership confused and
directionless?
Interestingly, the Limbus and
Tamangs, who belong to the Nepali community and were earlier bracketed among
the OBC (other backward classes) in the State, themselves are vociferous in
seeking Assembly seat reservation for their communities. Only last month (Jan
2013), the All Sikkim Limboo Krantikari Yuva Sangh called for an indefinite
‘Sikkim bandh’ to press their demand on the seat issue. The Sangh has appealed
to all political parties, including the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF),
and social organizations to support its demand.
It may be recalled that in
2006, the Sikkim Limboo Tamang Tribal Forum (SLTTF), while urging its
representatives in the Assembly to protect the political rights of the two
tribal communities, regretted that even after obtaining ST status they were yet
to be given seat reservation in the State Assembly. The Sikkim Limboo Tamang
Joint Action Community (SLTJAC) blamed the Chamling Government for not doing
enough to ensure that seats in the Assembly are reserved for the two
communities.
The demand for reservation of
Assembly seats for Limbu and Tamang communities was raised in the Lok Sabha by
BJP MP Balkrishna K Shukla, who was in-charge of Sikkim, in May last year.
BJP State unit President Padam
Chettri said the people of Sikkim are grateful to the BJP for raising the issue
in the Parliament. He alleged that even the two MPs from Sikkim have not raised
the issue in the House and have “completely ignored the burning issue.”
Interestingly, in reply to
Shukla’s question on whether the UPA government is aware that the Sikkim
Legislative Assembly does not have seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes of
Sikkim and what action is being taken to “preserve and protect” the STs in the
State Assembly, former Union Law Minister and senior Congressman Salman
Khurshid said the 12 seats reserved in the Assembly were meant for
‘Bhutia-Lepchas’ as per the historic 1973 tripartite agreement between the
Government of India, the Chogyal and political parties of Sikkim. Seats were
reserved for the Bhutia-Lepchas on the basis of their ethnicity and not because
they were tribals, Khurshid informed the House.
Khurshid, who is now the
Union External Affairs Minister, said Assembly seat reservation for STs in the
State would depend on the population of the Limbus and Tamangs on the basis of
2011 census. “Any increase/decrease in the present status could be considered
only after wider debate from all the stake holders in the State of Sikkim,”
Khurshid said.
It may be noted that the
Sikkim Limboo-Tamang Joint Action Committee had in 2005 sought deferment of the
process of delimitation of Assembly constituencies in Sikkim till a special
census is conducted to ascertain the population of the two tribes. In a
memorandum to the Delimitation Commission, the Committee President PR Subba
urged the authorities not to go ahead with the exercise till a census to update
the population of the Limbus and Tamangs was taken up.
In 2009, Union Home Minister
P. Chidambaram stated in the Rajya Sabha that any proposal for reservation for
Tamang and Limbu tribes in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly can be considered
only after compilation of results of the 2011 census
''At present no authentic
population figures for Limboo and Tamang communities are available. If
reservation for these communities is to be considered as per proportion of
their population in the state, as recommended by the state Government, the same
can be available only after the results of the 2011 census are compiled,''
Chidambaram informed the Rajya Sabha.
The Minister also said there
had been a proposal from the Sikkim Government to increase the number of seats
in the Legislative Assembly, from the present 32, to a minimum of 40. A
resolution passed by the State Legislature of Sikkim on September 16, 2004 also
said that reservation be provided for Limbu and Tamang communities.
During his meeting with Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh last November Chamling stressed the need to address the
issue for early resolution of Assembly seat reservation of the Limbu-Tamang
community.
It may also be recalled that
in July 2008, Chamling tabled a White Paper in the Assembly on efforts made by
his government in securing ST status for the Limbu-Tamang community and to
secure Assembly seat reservation for them.
It now appears that another
Assembly polls, scheduled for 2014, will come and go without seats being
reserved for the Limbus and Tamangs. The UPA Government has stated in the Lok
Sabha that until the population figures of Sikkim are made available on the
basis of 2011 census the seat reservation issue would linger on. Even if the
population figures are made known now more time will be needed to formulate a
new seat arrangement in the Assembly, which will be followed by fresh
demarcation of Assembly constituencies in the State.
Perhaps this leaves us enough time to think
over what we really want. Do the Sikkimese Nepalese prefer to be divided and
gradually disintegrate in the near future? Or do they want to preserve their
special status while also embracing their constitutional rights? The ball is in
their court.
Assembly seats traditionally
reserved for Sikkimese Nepalese were done away with in 1979. Ever since,
Sikkim’s political parties have been demanding restoration of their political
rights. Why are our politicians speaking in two voices now? (Talk Sikkim)
Editorial
KEEPING THE FAITH
Applaud For Tsuklakhang Trust
Honouring the ritual keepers
of the worship of Sikkim’s Guardian Deities in the way the Tsuklakhang Trust
did this week ought to be welcomed and appreciated by all Sikkimese
irrespective of caste, creed and religion. Sikkim’s protecting deities such as
Khangchendzonga not only guard and protect Sikkim and the Sikkimese people but
is also regarded as a wealth deity. Those who have come to Beyul Demajong and
have prospered ought to know this fact and take part in the worship of the
snowy ranges.
We owe our thanks and deep
sense of gratitude to the Late Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha and Ren Pem Tshering
Lepcha for their valued services in performing the rituals to Khangchendzonga,
Yabdu and other deities of this sacred land on our behalf during the annual
Pang Lhabsol festival. Hopefully, this ancient ritual will be kept alive by
their descendants with the active support and participation of the local
people. The Trust, under the guidance of the Chogyal of Sikkim and Princess
Hope Leezum Namgyal, has a team of responsible and dedicated members who will
surely take the lead and involve the local people in their commendable
initiatives in preserving Sikkim’s ancient customs and traditions.
SIKKIM: Swallowed Up In Silence
The funeral process of the Chogyal of Sikkim in Gangtok
on February 19, 1982.
This spring (2008) the world’s attention was
drawn to Tibet, where on 10th March this year the people commemorated the 49th
anniversary of the Tibetan upheaval against the Chinese occupation. The
protests spread from Tibet across the whole world and along the route of the
torch relay for this year’s Olympic games people demanded: “Free Tibet!”
In the Southern part of the
Himalaya another occupied territory did not attract any attention at all:
Sikkim. The Kingdom which had defended its independence for 300 years against
powerful neighbours was annexed by India in April 1975 and became the 22nd
state of the Indian Union. The 85th birthday of the 12th Chogyal of Sikkim (May
22, 2008 was the Chogyal’s 85th birth anniversary) gives me the
opportunity to focus on the fate of the tiny Himalaya Kingdom.
Chogyal Palden Thondup
Namgyal, Twelfth Consecrated Ruler of Sikkim, was born in Sikkim’s capital
Gangtok on 22nd May 1923. The Denzong Chogyal was the second son of the late
illustrious Chogyal Sir Tashi Namgyal, who will always be remembered as
Sikkim’s gracious, enlightened and benevolent ruler.
In 1935 he continued his
studies at St. Joseph’s College, Darjeeling, and completed his studies at
Bishop Cotton School, Simla, in 1941.
Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal |
As the Heir Apparent, Gyalsay
Palden Thondup Namgyal undertook the Indian Civil Service Training Course at
Dehra Dun in 1942 and thereafter returned to Sikkim to look after the
administration so that the needs of the people could be taken care of.
Chogyal Palden Thondup
Namgyal was keenly alive to the needs of the people and as Heir Apparent had
exercised direct personal supervision over various departments of the
government of Sikkim. He was his father’s adviser on external affairs and led
the Sikkim team, which negotiated the Treaty with India in 1949-1950. By
contract Sikkim became India’s “protectorate” on 5th December 1950, not unlike
Nepal and Bhutan that were forced to sign similar treaties after the British
had left the subcontinent. So far the other two Kingdoms could maintain their
independence. If Nepal will be able to keep the two greedy neighbours outside
the borders should the country be declared a republic, is in doubts.
The Chogyal was connected
with a number of cultural and academic bodies in Sikkim, India and abroad. He
had been the President of the Mahabodhi Society of India since 1953 and he led
the Sikkim delegation to the Sixth Buddhist Council that was held in Burma in
1954. He participated in the 2500 Buddha Jayanti Celebrations in India in 1956,
and was the only member of the Working Committee from Sikkim.
In March 1959 he attended the 2500 Buddha
Jayanti Conference in Japan and represented Sikkim at the Sixth World
Fellowship of Buddhists conference in Cambodia in 1961. In 1958, under the
patronage of Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal, he set up a centre for Mahayana and
Tibetan studies at Gangtok , and this world famous centre bears the name of
“Namgyal Institute of Tibetology.”
Grateful Sikkimese offer khadas to the portrait of the Late Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal at the Tusklakhang Monastery, Gangtok, during his formal birth anniversary on April 4 last week. |
In August 1950, he married Sangey Deki,
daughter of Yapshi Samdu Phodrang of Tibet. Sangey died in June 1957. In March
1963 he married Hope Cooke, grand daughter and ward of Mr. and Mrs. Winchester
Noyes of the United States of America, which drew a huge media attention to the
tiny Kingdom. The Chogyal had three children from his first wife, namely
Tenzing, Wangchuk andYangchen. His second wife bore him Palden and Hope. After
his father’s death, Palden was crowned as the Twelfth Chogyal of Sikkim on 4th
April 1965
Among the honours and
distinction the Chogyal held were: The Order of the British Empire (1947),
Padma Vibushan, India (1954) and Commander de l’Ordre de l’Étoile Noire, France
(1956).
Small numbers of Nepalese had
been migrating to Sikkim from about the 15th century, but it was only under the
British that the Nepalese began entering Sikkim in great numbers, entirely
upsetting the traditional ethnic balance of Sikkim. This social engineering was
done by the British to weaken the traditional Lepchas – Bhutia strength. The
Eleventh Chogyal and representatives of two of Sikkim’s largest parties, the
Sikkim State Congress and the Sikkim National Party, agreed in May 1951to a
parity formula. According to this formula, the seats in the state council were
to be divided equally between the Bhutia-Lepcha group, and the Nepalese. The
Sikkim State Council was then instituted in 1953.
In April 1973, after making
allegations that elections had been rigged, ethnic Nepali protested in front of
the King's palace, demanding civil rights and the sidelining or even removal of
what they called the "feudal" monarchy. Palden Thondup Namgyal, the
King of Sikkim, ultimately gave in and signed an agreement on 8th May 1973.
The document called on India
to provide a chief executive, and to hold elections for an assembly. The
agreement was the first step in the disappearance of the Kingdom of Sikkim. The
inhabitants of the Kingdom are in no doubt that the Indian Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi and her local agents fomented the unrest. Indira Gandhi’s dictatorial
and imperialist attitudes were are a major concern in the 70s.
Asked in 1998 by the German
daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,
why the Sikkimese army did not resist the Indian invasion, a former captain of
Sikkim's army replied: "The Indian soldiers had joined the army because
they were hungry and received a warm meal; to shoot at them would not have been
in accordance with our Buddhist faith. We knew four days in advance about the
invasion, but the King had ordered not to fight."
In 1975, Sikkim’s Prime (Chief)
Minister “appealed” to the Indian Parliament for representation and change of
Sikkim's status to a state of India. In April 1975 the Indian army moved into
Sikkim, seizing the capital city of Gangtok, disarming the Palace Guards and
putting the Chogyal under house arrest.
A “referendum” was held in
which 97.5% (!) of the votes cast (or counted!) agreed to join the Indian Union.
China did not recognize India’s occupation of Sikkim until 2003, which led to
an improvement in the Sino-Indian relations. In return, India announced its
official recognition of Tibet as an integrated part of China.
The Chogyal never renounced
his throne and hoped till the end that justice would win.
On 29th January 1982 Chogyal
Palden Thondup Namgyal died a heartbroken man from cancer in New York. His
second son Wangchuk inherited the rights to the throne after the Chogyal's
eldest son Crown Prince Tenzin had died in a car accident on 11th March 1978. (Radical
Royalist, May 23, 2008)
‘Kissinger Cables’ offer window into
Indian politics of the 1970s
Message to Nepal,
Bhutan during Indian takeover of Sikkim in 1973
New Delhi, April 12: The “Kissinger
Cables,” a collection of U.S. diplomatic cables released on Monday by
WikiLeaks, contain some fascinating revelations about the political scenario in
India in the 1970s. Here are some great insights about India in the WikiLeaks
release:
India’s first nuclear test was possibly
motivated by political considerations:
According to this cable,
sent from New Delhi to the Department of State, India’s first nuclear test on
May 18, 1974, was motivated by domestic politics. The cable says that the
nuclear test had been done at a time when the Indian government was tackling an
economic slowdown, increasing discontent and rising political unrest.
“We are inclined to believe that this
general domestic gloom and uncertainty weighed significantly in the balance of
India’s nuclear decision,” reads the cable sent on the date of the nuclear
test. “The need for a psychological boost, the hope of recreated atmosphere of
exhilaration and nationalism that swept the country after 1971 – contrary to
our earlier expectation – may have tipped the scales.”
The cable adds that the U.S. Embassy was not
aware of any recent military pressure on the Indian government, and that the
decision to demonstrate nuclear capability may also have been driven by a need
to regain its position in international politics, where India “has felt it had
been relegated to the sidelines with its significance ignored and its potential
role downplayed.”
In 1974 India returned 195 prisoners of war
to Pakistan, originally wanted by Bangladesh for war crimes trials:
This cable
sent from Islamabad on May 17, 1974, reveals that after the
Bangladesh-India-Pakistan agreement signed on April 9, 1974, India returned the
last Pakistani prisoners of war from India, including 195 prisoners
originally wanted by Bangladesh for war crimes trials. “Bhutto and Minstate
Aziz Ahmed have hailed the April 9 agreement as a major move toward a durable
peace with India, but the continuing drumfire of anti-India comment in the
media reflects the strong emotional suspicion of India still prevalent here,”
the cable reads. The cable adds that even in the top leadership in the
Pakistani government, there is “exasperation” over what they perceived as
India’s continuous efforts to hamper Pakistan from obtaining military supplies.
While the U.S. diplomat foretold a thawing of relations between the two
countries, he said “continuing mutual suspicion” would hinder diplomatic
efforts.
Indira Gandhi said she was proud that she
“resisted pressures to destroy Pakistan in 1971″
In an analysis of India-Pakistan relations
after the 1971 war, a cable sent
from the U.S. Department of State says that Indira Gandhi felt that she
showed restraint during the war. “Mrs. Gandhi was proud, and we believe
sincere, in explaining she resisted pressures to destroy Pakistan in 1971,”
reads thiscable, dated March 1, 1974. “We believe
that she wants détente on the subcontinent and she feels she made concessions
at Simla to achieve this. She also insists – plausibly we think – that further
disintegration of Pakistan would not be in India’s interest.” The cable
says that while Pakistan’s recognition of Bangladesh improves the short-term
prospects for better India-Pakistan relations, there is continued suspicion on
both sides. The document argues that while India feels that Pakistan must
“adjust to Indian power and influence” there is little likelihood of that
happening in the near future.
The Indian takeover of Sikkim in 1973 might
have been intended to send a message to Nepal and Bhutan:
Indira Gandhi and Chogyal of Sikkim in the ’70s |
This cable sent
on April 25, 1973, from New Delhi the U.S. ambassador relays the impressions
and opinions of the then Times of India
correspondent Sivdas Banerjee. He says that Mr. Banerjee had received his
information from a senior West Bengal Congress minister who had been briefed by
a high-level official from the Ministry of External Affairs. “There was an
important and deliberate message to Nepal and Bhutan in prompt Indian action in
Sikkim,” reads the cable.
The cable adds that according to Mr. Banerjee’s source in the
Ministry of External Affairs, Nepal and Bhutan had been reluctant to cooperate
with India on defense matters and “Nepal’s position in particular had irked
Mrs. Gandhi during her recent visit there and she was sending direct message to
King Birendra.”