SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday   April 13-19,  2013    

President to visit Sikkim, northeast in April-May

New Delhi, April 12: President Pranab Mukherjee will visit the northeastern states in April and May, an official statement from Rashtrapati Bhawan said on Saturday.

During his one-day visit to Sikkim on April 16, the President will lay the foundation stone of Sikkim University in Yangang, South Sikkim.

From April 15 to 17, the President will be visiting Manipur and Sikkim in the first phase of his tour. He will attend the diamond jubilee function of Adimjati Shiksha Ashram at Imphal.

In the second phase, the President will visit Assam, Nagaland and Tripura from May 13 to 16, ANI reported.

On May 13, he will present the Asom Ratna Award to Mamoni Raisom Goswami (posthumously) and Srimanta Shankardev Award for the year 2008 to Sharmila Tagore.

He will also attend the closing ceremony of the golden jubilee celebrations of the Pandu College at Guwahati on the same day. The next day, he will address the annual convocation of Assam University at Silchar.

President Mukherjee will attend the third Convocation of Nagaland University at Lumami, Nagaland, on May 15.

He will address the Fifth Convocation of National Institute of Technology, Agartala and attend the Tenth Convocation of Tripura University at Suryamaninagar, Tripura, on May 16.

Bongthings connected to Pang Lhabsol rituals felicitated by Tsuklakhang Trust

Grandson of Late Khangchendzonga Bongthing, Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha, receiving khada and citation award from Pemayangtse Dorje Lopon on behalf of his grandfather in Gangtok on Sunday.

Gangtok, April 12: With the sole objective of preserving the former kingdom’s rich and unique religious and cultural heritage, the Tsuklakhang Trust on Sunday gave due recognition to two Lepcha Bongthings (priests) and honoured them for being chiefly responsible for keeping alive the ancient ritualistic tradition connected to worship of Sikkim’s mountain gods – namely Khangchendzonga and Yabdu.

Late Khangchendzonga Bongthing Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha from the Lepcha preserve of Dzongu in North Sikkim and Yabdu Bongthing Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha of Teesta valley in North Bengal were felicitated for their “selfless services” to Sikkim and its people for keeping the unique rituals of Pang Lhabsol alive here at a colourful and historic function, whose chief guest was the Dorje Lopon, head of Pemayangtse Monastery, Gyalshing, West Sikkim.

The felicitation is in “recognition of the selfless services and contribution made by the two very important Bongthings for preserving the rich (and) ageless tradition of worshipping our guardian deity Kanchendzonga and Yabdu,” Trust Secretary Namgyal T Bhutia said while addressing the gathering here at Yabring hall of the Tsuklakhang Monastery.

Reflecting the sentiments of other Trust members, Bhutia said the “historic function”, which was “the need of the hour,” was held mainly “to recognize, preserve and encourage this rich ancient tradition for posterity.”

He said the Trust was formed in August 1982 by Chogyal Wangchuk Namgyal to preserve Sikkim’s religious and cultural heritage.

While stating that the Chogyal’s focus has been “practising Dharma” for last several years “after renouncing all the comfort of royalty”, he added:  “He always reminds us that he offers his sincere prayers daily for the well being of Sikkim and the Sikkimese irrespective of wherever he may be.”

The Trust was formed in August 1982, a few months after Wangchuk Namgyal was crowned the 13^th Chogyal of Sikkim just before the historic funeral of his late father Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal on February 19, 1982.

Special invitee SD Tshering, State Government Secretary, said the role of Bongthings is not confined to observing religious rituals but these ancient priests have made significant contribution to traditional medicine and herbal knowledge.

“We hope that this function will generate more interest among the local people to take greater part in the annual Pang Lhabsol celebrations,” Trust member Sonam Barfungpa said.

Two students – Tsegyal Gyatso and Punol Norjet Lepcha – of Tashi Namgyal Academy (TNA), who wore the traditional Bhutia and Lepcha attire, read out the citations (full text on page 3).

Prominent among those present on the occasion were Trust’s Managing Truste Tsetop Ragasha, Pemayangtse Monastery’s  Yapo Gaydrol Tempa Gyatso Lama, Tsuklakhang Monastery’s Khenpo, former Minister Sonam Dupden Lepcha, representatives of Lepcha association, and members of some of Sikkim’s leading families (Mazong, Rhenock, Tateng to name a few), which have made significant contributions to Sikkim’s history and culture.

Sikkimese Nepalese at the crossroads

ST Assembly seats for Limbu-Tamangs would be end of special status of Sikkimese Nepalese

WITHOUT FEAR OR FAVOUR

Jigme N Kazi

Reservation of seats in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly for Limbus and Tamangs on the basis of their status as scheduled tribes will hasten the death knell of the distinct identity of Sikkimese Nepalese in the former kingdom of Sikkim. As has been witnessed, dilution of Sikkim’s special status within the Union has been a gradual process and New Delhi seems to be succeeding in its efforts to erase whatever is left of Sikkim’s past.

Despite its repeated emphasis on preservation of Sikkim’s special status as per provisions of Article 371F of the Constitution the political leadership in the State has unitedly demanded reservation of Assembly seats for the Limbu-Tamang community, who have been declared scheduled tribes in 2002. Is this move a bid to appeal to the Limbu-Tamang vote-bank or is our political leadership confused and directionless?

Interestingly, the Limbus and Tamangs, who belong to the Nepali community and were earlier bracketed among the OBC (other backward classes) in the State, themselves are vociferous in seeking Assembly seat reservation for their communities. Only last month (Jan 2013), the All Sikkim Limboo Krantikari Yuva Sangh called for an indefinite ‘Sikkim bandh’ to press their demand on the seat issue. The Sangh has appealed to all political parties, including the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF), and social organizations to support its demand.

It may be recalled that in 2006, the Sikkim Limboo Tamang Tribal Forum (SLTTF), while urging its representatives in the Assembly to protect the political rights of the two tribal communities, regretted that even after obtaining ST status they were yet to be given seat reservation in the State Assembly. The Sikkim Limboo Tamang Joint Action Community (SLTJAC) blamed the Chamling Government for not doing enough to ensure that seats in the Assembly are reserved for the two communities.

The demand for reservation of Assembly seats for Limbu and Tamang communities was raised in the Lok Sabha by BJP MP Balkrishna K Shukla, who was in-charge of Sikkim, in May last year.

BJP State unit President Padam Chettri said the people of Sikkim are grateful to the BJP for raising the issue in the Parliament. He alleged that even the two MPs from Sikkim have not raised the issue in the House and have “completely ignored the burning issue.”

Interestingly, in reply to Shukla’s question on whether the UPA government is aware that the Sikkim Legislative Assembly does not have seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes of Sikkim and what action is being taken to “preserve and protect” the STs in the State Assembly, former Union Law Minister and senior Congressman Salman Khurshid said the 12 seats reserved in the Assembly were meant for ‘Bhutia-Lepchas’ as per the historic 1973 tripartite agreement between the Government of India, the Chogyal and political parties of Sikkim. Seats were reserved for the Bhutia-Lepchas on the basis of their ethnicity and not because they were tribals, Khurshid informed the House.

Khurshid, who is now the Union External Affairs Minister, said Assembly seat reservation for STs in the State would depend on the population of the Limbus and Tamangs on the basis of 2011 census. “Any increase/decrease in the present status could be considered only after wider debate from all the stake holders in the State of Sikkim,” Khurshid said.

It may be noted that the Sikkim Limboo-Tamang Joint Action Committee had in 2005 sought deferment of the process of delimitation of Assembly constituencies in Sikkim till a special census is conducted to ascertain the population of the two tribes. In a memorandum to the Delimitation Commission, the Committee President PR Subba urged the authorities not to go ahead with the exercise till a census to update the population of the Limbus and Tamangs was taken up.

In 2009, Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram stated in the Rajya Sabha that any proposal for reservation for Tamang and Limbu tribes in the Sikkim Legislative Assembly can be considered only after compilation of results of the 2011 census

''At present no authentic population figures for Limboo and Tamang communities are available. If reservation for these communities is to be considered as per proportion of their population in the state, as recommended by the state Government, the same can be available only after the results of the 2011 census are compiled,'' Chidambaram informed the Rajya Sabha.

The Minister also said there had been a proposal from the Sikkim Government to increase the number of seats in the Legislative Assembly, from the present 32, to a minimum of 40. A resolution passed by the State Legislature of Sikkim on September 16, 2004 also said that reservation be provided for Limbu and Tamang communities.

During his meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last November Chamling stressed the need to address the issue for early resolution of Assembly seat reservation of the Limbu-Tamang community.

It may also be recalled that in July 2008, Chamling tabled a White Paper in the Assembly on efforts made by his government in securing ST status for the Limbu-Tamang community and to secure Assembly seat reservation for them.

It now appears that another Assembly polls, scheduled for 2014, will come and go without seats being reserved for the Limbus and Tamangs. The UPA Government has stated in the Lok Sabha that until the population figures of Sikkim are made available on the basis of 2011 census the seat reservation issue would linger on. Even if the population figures are made known now more time will be needed to formulate a new seat arrangement in the Assembly, which will be followed by fresh demarcation of Assembly constituencies in the State.

   Perhaps this leaves us enough time to think over what we really want. Do the Sikkimese Nepalese prefer to be divided and gradually disintegrate in the near future? Or do they want to preserve their special status while also embracing their constitutional rights? The ball is in their court.

Assembly seats traditionally reserved for Sikkimese Nepalese were done away with in 1979. Ever since, Sikkim’s political parties have been demanding restoration of their political rights. Why are our politicians speaking in two voices now? (Talk Sikkim)

Editorial

KEEPING THE FAITH

Applaud For Tsuklakhang Trust

Honouring the ritual keepers of the worship of Sikkim’s Guardian Deities in the way the Tsuklakhang Trust did this week ought to be welcomed and appreciated by all Sikkimese irrespective of caste, creed and religion. Sikkim’s protecting deities such as Khangchendzonga not only guard and protect Sikkim and the Sikkimese people but is also regarded as a wealth deity. Those who have come to Beyul Demajong and have prospered ought to know this fact and take part in the worship of the snowy ranges.

We owe our thanks and deep sense of gratitude to the Late Ren Samdup Taso Lepcha and Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha for their valued services in performing the rituals to Khangchendzonga, Yabdu and other deities of this sacred land on our behalf during the annual Pang Lhabsol festival. Hopefully, this ancient ritual will be kept alive by their descendants with the active support and participation of the local people. The Trust, under the guidance of the Chogyal of Sikkim and Princess Hope Leezum Namgyal, has a team of responsible and dedicated members who will surely take the lead and involve the local people in their commendable initiatives in preserving Sikkim’s ancient customs and traditions.

SIKKIM: Swallowed Up In Silence

     The funeral process of the Chogyal of Sikkim in Gangtok on February 19, 1982.

 This spring (2008) the world’s attention was drawn to Tibet, where on 10th March this year the people commemorated the 49th anniversary of the Tibetan upheaval against the Chinese occupation. The protests spread from Tibet across the whole world and along the route of the torch relay for this year’s Olympic games people demanded: “Free Tibet!”

In the Southern part of the Himalaya another occupied territory did not attract any attention at all: Sikkim. The Kingdom which had defended its independence for 300 years against powerful neighbours was annexed by India in April 1975 and became the 22nd state of the Indian Union. The 85th birthday of the 12th Chogyal of Sikkim (May 22, 2008 was the Chogyal’s 85^th birth anniversary) gives me the opportunity to focus on the fate of the tiny Himalaya Kingdom.

Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, Twelfth Consecrated Ruler of Sikkim, was born in Sikkim’s capital Gangtok on 22nd May 1923. The Denzong Chogyal was the second son of the late illustrious Chogyal Sir Tashi Namgyal, who will always be remembered as Sikkim’s gracious, enlightened and benevolent ruler.

In 1935 he continued his studies at St. Joseph’s College, Darjeeling, and completed his studies at Bishop Cotton School, Simla, in 1941.

Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal

As the Heir Apparent, Gyalsay Palden Thondup Namgyal undertook the Indian Civil Service Training Course at Dehra Dun in 1942 and thereafter returned to Sikkim to look after the administration so that the needs of the people could be taken care of.

Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal was keenly alive to the needs of the people and as Heir Apparent had exercised direct personal supervision over various departments of the government of Sikkim. He was his father’s adviser on external affairs and led the Sikkim team, which negotiated the Treaty with India in 1949-1950. By contract Sikkim became India’s “protectorate” on 5th December 1950, not unlike Nepal and Bhutan that were forced to sign similar treaties after the British had left the subcontinent. So far the other two Kingdoms could maintain their independence. If Nepal will be able to keep the two greedy neighbours outside the borders should the country be declared a republic, is in doubts.

The Chogyal was connected with a number of cultural and academic bodies in Sikkim, India and abroad. He had been the President of the Mahabodhi Society of India since 1953 and he led the Sikkim delegation to the Sixth Buddhist Council that was held in Burma in 1954. He participated in the 2500 Buddha Jayanti Celebrations in India in 1956, and was the only member of the Working Committee from Sikkim.

 In March 1959 he attended the 2500 Buddha Jayanti Conference in Japan and represented Sikkim at the Sixth World Fellowship of Buddhists conference in Cambodia in 1961. In 1958, under the patronage of Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal, he set up a centre for Mahayana and Tibetan studies at Gangtok , and this world famous centre bears the name of “Namgyal Institute of Tibetology.”

Grateful Sikkimese offer khadas to the portrait of the Late Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal at the Tusklakhang Monastery, Gangtok, during his formal birth anniversary on April 4 last week.

 In August 1950, he married Sangey Deki, daughter of Yapshi Samdu Phodrang of Tibet. Sangey died in June 1957. In March 1963 he married Hope Cooke, grand daughter and ward of Mr. and Mrs. Winchester Noyes of the United States of America, which drew a huge media attention to the tiny Kingdom. The Chogyal had three children from his first wife, namely Tenzing, Wangchuk andYangchen. His second wife bore him Palden and Hope. After his father’s death, Palden was crowned as the Twelfth Chogyal of Sikkim on 4th April 1965

Among the honours and distinction the Chogyal held were: The Order of the British Empire (1947), Padma Vibushan, India (1954) and Commander de l’Ordre de l’Étoile Noire, France (1956).

Small numbers of Nepalese had been migrating to Sikkim from about the 15th century, but it was only under the British that the Nepalese began entering Sikkim in great numbers, entirely upsetting the traditional ethnic balance of Sikkim. This social engineering was done by the British to weaken the traditional Lepchas – Bhutia strength. The Eleventh Chogyal and representatives of two of Sikkim’s largest parties, the Sikkim State Congress and the Sikkim National Party, agreed in May 1951to a parity formula. According to this formula, the seats in the state council were to be divided equally between the Bhutia-Lepcha group, and the Nepalese. The Sikkim State Council was then instituted in 1953.

In April 1973, after making allegations that elections had been rigged, ethnic Nepali protested in front of the King's palace, demanding civil rights and the sidelining or even removal of what they called the "feudal" monarchy. Palden Thondup Namgyal, the King of Sikkim, ultimately gave in and signed an agreement on 8th May 1973.

The document called on India to provide a chief executive, and to hold elections for an assembly. The agreement was the first step in the disappearance of the Kingdom of Sikkim. The inhabitants of the Kingdom are in no doubt that the Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her local agents fomented the unrest. Indira Gandhi’s dictatorial and imperialist attitudes were are a major concern in the 70s.

Asked in 1998 by the German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, why the Sikkimese army did not resist the Indian invasion, a former captain of Sikkim's army replied: "The Indian soldiers had joined the army because they were hungry and received a warm meal; to shoot at them would not have been in accordance with our Buddhist faith. We knew four days in advance about the invasion, but the King had ordered not to fight."

In 1975, Sikkim’s Prime (Chief) Minister “appealed” to the Indian Parliament for representation and change of Sikkim's status to a state of India. In April 1975 the Indian army moved into Sikkim, seizing the capital city of Gangtok, disarming the Palace Guards and putting the Chogyal under house arrest. 

A “referendum” was held in which 97.5% (!) of the votes cast (or counted!) agreed to join the Indian Union. China did not recognize India’s occupation of Sikkim until 2003, which led to an improvement in the Sino-Indian relations. In return, India announced its official recognition of Tibet as an integrated part of China.

The Chogyal never renounced his throne and hoped till the end that justice would win.

On 29th January 1982 Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal died a heartbroken man from cancer in New York. His second son Wangchuk inherited the rights to the throne after the Chogyal's eldest son Crown Prince Tenzin had died in a car accident on 11th March 1978. (Radical Royalist, May 23, 2008)

‘Kissinger Cables’ offer window into Indian politics of the 1970s

Message to Nepal, Bhutan during Indian takeover of Sikkim in 1973

New Delhi, April 12: The “Kissinger Cables,” a collection of U.S. diplomatic cables released on Monday by WikiLeaks, contain some fascinating revelations about the political scenario in India in the 1970s. Here are some great insights about India in the WikiLeaks release:

India’s first nuclear test was possibly motivated by political considerations:

According to this cable, sent from New Delhi to the Department of State, India’s first nuclear test on May 18, 1974, was motivated by domestic politics. The cable says that the nuclear test had been done at a time when the Indian government was tackling an economic slowdown, increasing discontent and rising political unrest.

“We are inclined to believe that this general domestic gloom and uncertainty weighed significantly in the balance of India’s nuclear decision,” reads the cable sent on the date of the nuclear test. “The need for a psychological boost, the hope of recreated atmosphere of exhilaration and nationalism that swept the country after 1971 – contrary to our earlier expectation – may have tipped the scales.”

The cable adds that the U.S. Embassy was not aware of any recent military pressure on the Indian government, and that the decision to demonstrate nuclear capability may also have been driven by a need to regain its position in international politics, where India “has felt it had been relegated to the sidelines with its significance ignored and its potential role downplayed.”

In 1974 India returned 195 prisoners of war to Pakistan, originally wanted by Bangladesh for war crimes trials:

This cable sent from Islamabad on May 17, 1974, reveals that after the Bangladesh-India-Pakistan agreement signed on April 9, 1974, India returned the last Pakistani prisoners of war   from India, including 195 prisoners originally wanted by Bangladesh for war crimes trials. “Bhutto and Minstate Aziz Ahmed have hailed the April 9 agreement as a major move toward a durable peace with India, but the continuing drumfire of anti-India comment in the media reflects the strong emotional suspicion of India still prevalent here,” the cable reads. The cable adds that even in the top leadership in the Pakistani government, there is “exasperation” over what they perceived as India’s continuous efforts to hamper Pakistan from obtaining military supplies. While the U.S.  diplomat foretold a thawing of relations between the two countries, he said “continuing mutual suspicion” would hinder diplomatic efforts.

Indira Gandhi said she was proud that she “resisted pressures to destroy Pakistan in 1971″

In an analysis of India-Pakistan relations after the 1971 war, a cable sent from the U.S.  Department of State says that Indira Gandhi felt that she showed restraint during the war. “Mrs. Gandhi was proud, and we believe sincere, in explaining she resisted pressures to destroy Pakistan in 1971,” reads thiscable, dated March 1, 1974. “We believe that she wants détente on the subcontinent and she feels she made concessions at Simla to achieve this. She also insists – plausibly we think – that further disintegration of Pakistan would not be in India’s interest.”  The cable says that while Pakistan’s recognition of Bangladesh improves the short-term prospects for better India-Pakistan relations, there is continued suspicion on both sides. The document argues that while India feels that Pakistan must “adjust to Indian power and influence” there is little likelihood of that happening in the near future.

The Indian takeover of Sikkim in 1973 might have been intended to send a message to Nepal and Bhutan:

Indira Gandhi and Chogyal of Sikkim in the ’70s

This cable sent on April 25, 1973, from New Delhi the U.S. ambassador relays the impressions and opinions of the then Times of India correspondent Sivdas Banerjee. He says that Mr. Banerjee had received his information from a senior West Bengal Congress minister who had been briefed by a high-level official from the Ministry of External Affairs. “There was an important and deliberate message to Nepal and Bhutan in prompt Indian action in Sikkim,” reads the cable.

The cable adds that according to Mr. Banerjee’s source in the Ministry of External Affairs, Nepal and Bhutan had been reluctant to cooperate with India on defense matters and “Nepal’s position in particular had irked Mrs. Gandhi during her recent visit there and she was sending direct message to King Birendra.”