Friday, April 5, 2013


HIMALAYAN GUARDIAN     Wednesday April 3-9, 2013  
Tsuklakhang Trust to honour Lepcha Bongthings connected to Sikkim’s Guardian Deities
Gangtok, April 2: Two Lepcha Bongthing (priests) – one alive and the other who passed away in 2011 – will be felicitated by the Tsuklakhang Trust for their long services to the people of Sikkim. The two and their ancestors have been performing the annual Pang Lhabsol pujas to the Supreme Guardian Deities of Sikkim – Khangchendzonga and Yabdu – for a long time.
Late Ren Samdrup Taso Lepcha and Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha’s ancestors have been performing the annual rituals for generations, according to the Trust.
Late Ren Samdrup Taso Lepcha
Late Ren Samdrup Taso Lepcha was the son of late Ren Yangkyok Lepcha and late Renyu Champi Lepcha from Nung, located in Tingvong village, Dzongu, North Sikkim. He was better known as Nung Taso or the Kongchen Bongthing. He belonged to an ancient lineage of powerful Lepcha shamans who are the sole keepers of the ritual knowledge of the sacred Kongchen ritual. Ren Samdrup Taso Lepcha passed away at the age of 84 in his home in Nung during a minor earthquake on October 29, 2011.
His clan, the Garkum tsum ptso, is associated with the powerful mountain deity Kongchen and traces its ancestry back to the soldiers (vik) of Kongchen. Their lineage is said to have performed the worship to this protective deity since time immemorial, according to the Trust
The importance of this lineage for the appeasement of Kongchen and the worship of Sikkim as Beyul Demoshong was recognised by the Chogyals of Sikkim. Henceforth, the annual ritual to Kongchen and the other protective mountain deities of Sikkim became an integral part of the annual Sikkimese festival Pang Lhabsol held in the 7th month of the lunar calendar.
The felicitation is “in recognition of the selfless service and contribution made towards preserving the ageless tradition of the unique Sikkimese festival of Pang Lhabsol,” and also to “offer good wishes and sincere prayers for his descendents long and healthy lives and perpetuation of their ritual lineage.” 
 Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha
Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha’s ancestors have been responsible for performing rituals in honour of Yabdü, the guardian deity protecting Sikkim’s southern gate, for over two and half centuries. 
He is the son of late Ren Pembo Lepcha and late Angu Lepcha of Chegra Busty, located above Teesta Bazaar under Kurseong Sub-Division of West Bengal. He descends from a line of Bongthings spanning more than forty generations, the Trust said.
The ritual for Yabdü forms part of the sacred Pang Lhabsol celebration which is unique to Sikkim. It is observed at the end of August or early September, on the immediate Friday preceding the 15th day of the 7th month of the lunar calendar when Pang Lhabsol is observed at the Tsuklakhang in Gangtok.
 Bongthing Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha has been holding the annual Pang Lhabsol ritual for Yabdü since 1962 following the demise of his late father. In olden days, the ritual used to be performed in a jungle above Kali Jhora and Teesta but this was discontinued at the time of his late grandfather due to attacks by tigers and other wild animals. 
Born around 1935, Bongthing Ren Pem Tshering Lepcha is now close to eighty years old and, having no son, has been training his nephew Ren Tashi Lepcha for the past three years with the view of ensuring the ritual’s continuity. He leads a very humble and pious life dedicated to ritual and prayer for the benefit of Sikkim and all sentient beings.
His personal association with the Palace and subsequently with The Tsuklakhang Trust spans more than fifty-one years. He is the only surviving Bongthing in the area who is not only a repository of the old culture, traditions and values but also one who still celebrates Sikkim as Beyul Demoshong, the sacred hidden land blessed by Guru Padmasambhava.
 The felicitation function will begin here at the Tsuklakhang Monastery premises on April 7 (Sunday) at 9.30 a.m.
All, including the media, have been invited by the Tsuklakhang Trust to witness this unique and auspicious occasion.
DNA study to observe vivacity of Uttarakhand’s Bhotiya tribe
In perhaps the first ever study of its kind, there is going to be a DNA study conducted on the Bhotiya tribals of Uttarakhand, as to what makes them so dynamic as to take the lead in studies and adorn top administrative and other positions as compared to the other tribes in this small mountain state.
It has been found that despite the topography constraints and also the non priority status given to education by the successive governments of Uttarakhand and earlier the neglect shown to the region by the Uttar Pradesh government, of which it was a part, the Bhotiyas, despite having a count of 36,438 only in this small mountain state have 80 per cent literacy.
The Bhotiyas, said to be ethno-linguistically Tibetan people, living in the trans-Himalayan region that divides India from China, made their presence in this part of the country almost centuries back, when they led a nomadic life traveling with their large flock of pack goats, sheep and ponies from the trade posts of Garotk and Gyanima in Tibet to the Gangetic plains.
The annual migration of their caravans took place along established trade routes, for the Bhotiyas were legendary traders and trans-Himalayan trade partnerships with nomadic Tibetan Khampas and Dokpas were formed and nurtured over generations until Chinese occupation of Tibet and subsequent 1962 Sino-Indian War, after which the trade stopped completely.
The Bhotiyas have made a number of success stories in this small mountain state and carved a niche for themselves in top administrative positions. The DNA test will start from the members of the scheduled tribe living in Pithoragarh district and will also cover those living in Chamoli and Uttarkashi districts. There are about 13 sub-sects among the Bhotiyas.
Other things that will also be studies are that despite having high intake of salt why do they not suffer from blood pressure and has the change from their old traditional nomadic way of living to high profile jobs brought any change in them.
Incidentally of the scheduled tribes found in Uttarakhand, while the Bhotiyas have an 80 per cent rate of literacy, the Tharus have 67 per cent, Jaunsaris 58.9 per cent, Bokshas 49.9 per cent and rajis 35.8 per cent. The literacy rate of the Bhotiyas happens to be six per cent more than the national literacy average. (Hill Post)
Editorial
NEPAL CRISIS
Elections May Be Delayed
The main objective of Nepal’s chief justice-turned-prime minister Khilraj Regmi’s job is to ensure that the general elections take place at the earliest so that an elected representative forms the government. This is a strange situation but as Nepal’s politicians were unable to do what they were supposed to do someone other than a politician had to be placed on top to see that petty politics do not come in the way of making democracy more meaningful to the people. Hopefully, Regmi will not repeat what a number of his predecessors did – and that is to remain in power as long as possible and forget the main reason for getting the top job.
It is to be noted that the new PM’s job is to head an ‘interim government’ and not to stay in power for too long. However, there are reports that the much anticipated election for a new Constituent Assembly in Nepal is likely to get delayed. The 11-point agreement among four major parties had proposed polls by June 21 but the interim election council led by Regmi is yet to announce election dates - more than two weeks after assuming charge. On Saturday, the Election Commission stated that possibility of holding polls within the June deadline is unlikely unless election-related amendments are made within the next few days. If polls are not held by June, before the onset of the monsoon season, it could get delayed by several more months. What next if even the head of judiciary fails to deliver?
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF BHUTAN: 1616-2013

The political system of Bhutan has evolved over time together with its tradition and culture. It has developed from a fragmented and a disoriented rule of the different regions by local chieftains, lords and clans into the parliamentary democracy we have in place today.
The first move towards a systematic scheme of governance came in 1616 with the arrival of Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal from Tibet. He introduced the dual system of governance with the Je Khenpo as the spiritual head of the nation and the Desis, as the head of the temporal aspects.
But a major breakthrough came about in 1907 when the people unanimously enthroned Ugyen Wangchuck as the fist hereditary King of Bhutan. He was the man who had proven his mettle by banding together the different Dzongpons and Penlops (governors of fortress), ending centuries of strife and bringing much needed stability and peace to the country. Since then, the country has been ruled by successive monarchs of the Wangchuck dynasty.
In a move to ensure a more democratic governance of the country, the Third King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck instituted the National Assembly (Tshogdu) in 1953. Every gewog has an elected member representing it in the National assembly. It became a platform where the people’s representatives enacted laws and discussed issues of national importance.
The establishment of the Royal Advisory Council (Lodoe Tshogde) in 1963 as a link between the king, council of ministers and the people was another move towards democratization. It also advised the king and the council of ministers on important issues and ensured that projects were implemented successfully.
The institution of Dzongkhag Yargay Tshogdu (District Development Assembly) in 1981 and Gewog Yargay Tshogchung (County Development Assembly) in 1991 by the Fourth King Jigme Singye Wangchuck was another move towards decentralization.
But the devolution of the power of the King in 1998 to the cabinet ministers was the highest form of decentralization. The King, thereafter, began to serve as the Head of the State while the government was managed by the Prime Minister.
In November 2001, on the advice of the Fourth king, a committee chaired by the Chief Justice of Bhutan, was formed to draft the constitution of Bhutan. The constitution was launched in 2008 and with it a parliamentary democracy introduced. The progression from Hereditary Monarchy to that of a Parliamentary Democracy has been a carefully managed process that culminated in 2008 when Bhutan held its first elections country wide. The Druk Phunsum Tshogpa was mandated by the people to head the new government with a major victory. Today with 45 elected members, Lyonchen Jigme Y Thinley steers the government with just two opposition members from the People’s Democratic Party.
The organs of the Bhutanese government comprise of the Legislature, Judiciary and the Executive. The ruling political party, the opposition and the National Council now forms the legislative body.
GJM, ABGL leaders, supporters join TMC
North Bengal Development Minister Goutam Deb
Darjeeling, April 2:  Two leaders of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and Akhil Bharatya Gorkha League along with their supporters on Sunday joined the Trinamool Congress which also held a public meeting at Darjeeling hills.
Prominent defectors to the TMC fold include N B Khawas of the GNLF who was a councillor, Manoj Dewan, former general secretary of the AIGL and J B Tamang, a GJM unit leader from Munda Khoti below Sonada in Darjeeling.
The joined Trinoomul Congress in presence of North Bengal Development Minister Goutam Deb.
Tamang said he would continue to work for the development of the Hills and he was "not opposed to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration," PTI reported.
Dewan said more workers of the ABGL would join the Trinamool Congress. In his address, Deb said, "We are very happy to have these new friends among us. We hope others will come to the Trinamool Congress fold soon."
More than 50 supporters from various political parties, including Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) party, joined the TMC on Sunday. The induction comes ahead of the crucial panchayat election.
"This is the first political programme without our leader Mamata Banerjee in the Hills. Our message is that in democracy every political party has the right to organize its programme. We will not be intimidated in any way and will organize more programmes in other areas of the Hills," said Deb.
Deb spoke positively on the issue f converting Darjeeling Government College into a university and establishment of a medical and engineering college in Kurseong and Kalimpong respectively.
INTERVIEW Lhasang Tsering
“The Tibetan government-in-exile has forgotten our freedom struggle”
Interview with Lhasang Tsering, former president of Tibetan Youth Congress, and Rangzen activist on self-immolations of Tibetans in Tibet. (Translated from Tibetan by Sonam Gyatso, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives)

Tibet Times: What do you think are the main hopes and aspirations of the brave Tibetans who set themselves on fire inside Tibet?
Lhasang Tsering: Human beings, when faced with desperate situations, either kill others or kill themselves. Those Tibetans who set themselves to fire raised slogans calling for the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet; some raised slogans about freedom in Tibet and there were also some who raised slogans for Tibet’s independence. In all, it is clear that Tibetans inside Tibet are not happy. These desperate actions makes it clear Tibetans are suffering under the brutal Chinese occupation and their intense desire for freedom is also clear. We, the Tibetans living in exile, must respect their aspirations. Particularly, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile must recognize this. Our government must respect the brave Tibetans who sacrificed their precious lives for the cause of Tibet.
Q: What would be the short-term and the ultimate impact on the Tibetan cause of these self-immolations? What is your personal view?
A: It is a huge loss for the family members and relatives of the brave Tibetan monks and nuns who set themselves on fire. They are no longer alive. However; it depends on us whether their actions will have a positive or negative result for Tibet and the Tibetan people. For example, if you hit others with just a single finger, rather than hurting others, you would be hurting yourself. However; if you hit with a firm, clenched fist with all five fingers joined in unison; it will hurt your opponent. I heard that some members’ in our community are debating whether these self-immolations are acts of violence. I feel really depressed and sad to hear such debates. People who circumambulate Tsuklagkhang and other holy sites kill insects by trampling on them. Can you refer to this as an act of violence? Their motive is spiritual accomplishment. It cannot be violence to sacrifice one’s life for the sake of protecting one’s country and one’s nation and to preserve our religion and culture. The real act of violence is being inflicted by the Chinese who oppress our people and create these desperate situations. Shirking from the responsibility to serve the Tibetan cause and failing to stand up to oppression and injustice is an act of violence and deceit.
Q: How do you define the present status of the Tibetan struggle for independence?
A: Considering the courage and dedication of Tibetans inside Tibet, the status of our struggle for independence is highly commendable and hopeful. However, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile has rendered our struggle directionless. Whether it is an individual or of a community; or even a nation; one must fulfill three conditions for a movement to succeed. Firstly; the aim of the struggle should be clear. Secondly; one must have the necessary confidence to achieve that goal. Thirdly; one must actively work to achieve that goal. Apart from merely stating that it is for the mutual benefit of Tibetans and Chinese, our present Middle Way Policy does not have clear aims and objectives. We do not have confidence because we fear that China is mighty and powerful. Apart from issuing statements or making speeches about our cause; in reality; in exile we do not have enough people who sincerely care about the Tibetan cause and no one actually leading an active struggle.
Q: Are you satisfied with official campaigns initiated by Kashag and the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile to highlight the critical situation inside Tibet?
A: As I said earlier; besides merely refusing to listen to the voice of the general Tibetan people; the Kashag is doing nothing to resolve the issue of Tibet. Therefore; it is not a question of whether it satisfies me or not. I am left in dejection and hopelessness. The government is an organization to lead people. What the Tibetan Government needs to do is to lead the struggle for freedom. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile, based in Dharamshala, has forgotten our freedom struggle and yet it seems that it perceives itself as running a real government. This is not right. The roof above our heads and the soil under our feet do not belong to us. They all belong to others. Even the general public knows that a ‘mutually beneficial’ solution for resolving the Tibet-China issue is not practical and achievable. Even if it may be achievable, we must know that we don’t have time to wait for long. Thousands of Chinese are migrating into Tibet even at this very moment when I am being interviewed here. Yes; Time is running out on us.
Q: What responsibilities and what kind of movements we Tibetans in exile must initiate considering the critical situation inside Tibet? Could you please share your thoughts?
A: In exile, non-governmental organizations and ordinary Tibetans are making every possible effort towards our freedom struggle. However, these will not bring real, meaningful result, as they cannot influence the international community. We need a clear plan and a leader who can lead us and unite us all. Without such leadership, it would be like laying thousands of bricks in the wilderness. Such bricks scattered on the desert surface will not result in a house. There are many people who appreciate His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s decision to devolve his political power to an elected leader; but I absolutely do not consider it a positive step. For example; if there is a shepherd who, in the name of taking his sheep to a greener pastureland, herds them here and there, and finally leave the sheep in the middle of a vast desert telling them ‘now the authority is in your hands’, is the shepherd fulfilling his duty? Of course; democracy is important, but it is an internal matter of a free country. Is it worthwhile to argue about the shape and size of the house and the colour of the walls before you have the land to build the house? In my view democracy can wait; but not the struggle for freedom.
Q: All the people who immolated themselves are monks and nuns and we often say that our struggle is for the cause of Tibetan religion and culture, so what in your view are the responsibilities of the Tibetan reincarnated lamas belonging to different religious sects in exile?
A: I cannot speak about the views of Tibetans inside Tibet, but Tibetans in exile must have various opinions with regard to this matter. Some people are not able to express their views because of their faith and devotion. Personally, I think that I have put my best possible effort in leading movements and nurturing leaders for the cause of Tibet while I was working with Tibetan Youth Congress. What I want to say is that if [in our community] there are people who think there is a spiritual practice that is more precious and sacred than serving the happiness and wellbeing of one’s country and its people; then I request you not to live in the Tibetan community. Please do not take benefits from our community. I cannot accept a spiritual practitioner who seeks to achieve individual enlightenment and who works only for the personal benefit or for the next life without shouldering responsibility for Tibet and the Tibetan people. We Tibetans do not need such spiritual practitioners at this moment.
Q: After His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s devolution of political power to an elected leader, do you think we can see some change in our movement and the nature of our struggle?
A: His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been the Spiritual and Political head of Tibet for centuries. I cannot say for sure there could be a change in a day or two, or within the next few generations to come. On paper, it can be written that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has devolved his political authority to an elected leader. However; in the hearts and minds of Tibetan people it is only His Holiness the Dalai Lama who will remain as the Spiritual and Secular head of Tibet. When my body and mind separates from each other and when my flesh and blood spills out, even at that moment, my consciousness will regard His Holiness the Dalai Lama as my sole leader. [At this moment, Lhasang la took a pause and shed tears]. Once again I request His Holiness the Dalai Lama to reconsider his decision of devolving political authority when our freedom struggle needs him most because our nation is on the brink of death. The Tibetan people can change their clothes but how can we change our hearts?
Q: Do you see some hope that the Tibetan struggle [for autonomy] will gradually move on to struggle for Rangzen?
A: I am not a person who relies on empty hopes. If you ask me do I think should the struggle move on to Rangzen; in reality, I would say definitely I do. I was the one who openly expressed that it would be an impractical [solution] when His Holiness the Dalai Lama proposed the Middle Way Approach on 15 June 1987. At that time, there were Tibetans who even threatened to kill me. My children also faced problems in their school because of my position. I still keep the same political stand. I haven’t made the slightest change to it. I believe in truth and justice. I am not a person who only thinks about personal benefits. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile took a wrong position right from the beginning. There is no benefit in changing the driver if one is travelling on the wrong road. No matter how many times you change drivers, if your vehicle is going on the wrong road there is no change. First and foremost the Tibetan Government in Exile must change its course.
Q: What is your view on people who believe that we cannot have dialogues with the Chinese Government or receive international support if the Tibetans opt for Rangzen?
A: This is absolutely rubbish. They are ignorant about world politics. The policy of a state or nation is driven by its national interest. There is not a single nation in the world that frames their foreign policy by renouncing its own national interest for the sake of other nations. Between 1959 and 1965, the United Nations passed resolutions recognising Tibet’s right to self-determination. This happened when we were advocating Tibet’s independence. However; because of the spread of Communism in USSR and other countries, US and other western allies gave more focus on how to defeat Communism. As a result, Tibetan issue lost limelight then. After renouncing Rangzen as our official policy, we have not had a single nation that came up and extended meaningful support. Presently, as China is becoming more powerful, it naturally affects the interest of many other countries. For their own interests, not out of concern for Tibet, I am sure we will receive support from these countries if we take some clear actions. Isn’t it foolish to complain that one cannot get a sponsor for one’s child without first enrolling the child in school?
Q: Lhasang la, what is your expectation [from] and appeal to the Tibetans inside Tibet, especially Tibetans who set themselves on fire?
A: First of all, I would like to bend my knees to the ground in prostration before those valiant self-immolating sons and daughters of Tibet. At this present critical moment, we must prepare ourselves for a determined action. Even an old man like me has made preparations since long time back. I registered [the ownership of] my small bookshop and bank account in my wife’s name. We Tibetans must share our happiness and suffering together. Whether the loss of these lives benefits our cause or not will depend on the Tibetan Government-in-Exile and the officials working in the exile Tibetan community. I request our government to come up with a well-planned strategy and to take concrete step for our struggle for freedom if we really think Tibet’s situation is critical and feel solidarity with those brave Tibetans who have already given up their lives by setting themselves ablaze. It is not of much use for ordinary Tibetans to go and protest in front of the Chinese embassy if our government is not willing to lead us from the front. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile must lead the protests and demonstrations for our freedom! (Rangzen Alliance)







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