SIKKIM OBSERVER Saturday June 1-7,
2013
Danny back on silver screen, to star in Boss, Mental
Mumbai, May 31:
Danny Denzongpa sure knows how to live life at his own pace. When not shooting,
and that's for a good part of the year, the actor spends his days at his Sikkim
farmhouse, completely switched off from the rest of the world. But when thrown
into the hustle and bustle of Bollywood, he also tends to make the right moves.
The latest is he has picked
two interesting films - one with Akshay Kumar and the other with Salman Khan.
The 65-year-old actor will be seen in an action avatar in Boss and also in Mental
respectively, Mumbai Mirror reported.
A source revealed: "Danny
will be doing handto-hand combat in Akshay-starrer Boss. Despite his age, his reflexes are like that of a young man.
As for Mental, he will start shooting
the film soon."
According to the source,
"Danny has a fabulous equation with the A-listers in the industry. But he
has always opted for roles that suit his character. He has been friends with
Akshay and Salman for a long time. They felt he was the best choice for the
roles in these films."
Dzongu’s gift for Golay’s SKM: anti-dam activist Dawa
Lepcha
Dawa Lepcha during anti-dam hunger strike
in Gangtok (right)
Gangtok, May 31:
PS Golay’s biggest catch for his recently-formed political outfit Sikkim
Krantikari Morcha (SKM) is undoubtedly the renown social activist Dawa Lepcha
who with his friends unsuccessfully fought against mega hydel projects in his
native district of North Sikkim.
Golay’s recent trip to North
Sikkim, including the Lepcha-dominated region of Dzongu, was successful in a
sense that the party managed to convince the people that it was against mega
hydel projects in the State.
Golay, infact, informed the
people that one of the main reasons for going against the ruling government was
on hydel projects. He was against it, he said. This message went down well with
the people.
“The Lepchas are with Dawa and
Golay did the right thing by choosing him,” a Lepcha leader said.
When he left the Affected
Citizens of Teesta (ACT), the organization which headed the anti-dam movement
in the State, in February this year to join the SKM, Dawa told his colleagues
in the ACT that he would pursue the issue in politics. His friends in the ACT
have realized how unresponsive and dubious the Chamling Government is on the
issue.
“We have sat on hunger strikes,
begged and used other options for a long time (on scrapping hydel power projects
proposed in Dzongu) but nothing happen. I believe that social activism has not
yielded much and time has come for us to approach a political solution for our
demands”, said Dawa when he joined the SKM on February 4 this year.
Without Bhandari Congress is nothing in
Sikkim
Gangtok, May 31:
The Congress party high command’s reported decision to take Sikkim seriously
will not convince anyone in Sikkim. If fact, by removing former chief minister
NB Bhandari from SPCC presidentship on the eve of the Assembly elections the
Congress party has proved that it is not serious in building up the party and
forming the government in the State.
During a meeting of the SPCC held
here this week, AICC Secretary K. Jayakumar said the party would take the State
seriously. He said every month a union minister would come to the State to
campaign for the ensuing Assembly polls.
Ever since Sikkim’s takeover the
Congress party, which was chiefly responsible for Sikkim’s ‘merger’ with India,
has not been able to win elections to form the government.
It was able to form the
government in Sikkim on two occasions: in 1981 and 1994. The Congress party was
able to form the government under Bhandari in 1981 when Bhandari’s party –
Sikkim Janata Parishad – merged with the Congress in July 1981. After
Bhandari’s Sikkim Sangram Parishad – formed on May 24, 1984 – dissidents
toppled his government in May 1994 the Congress party was able to form the
government for a brief while under Sanchaman Limboo in 1994.
Try as it may the Congress party
– without Bhandari – never got more than 4% of the vote share. Under Bhandari,
the Congress party’s vote-bank rose to around 30% in the Assembly elections in
2004 and 2009.
So, what is the justification
for Bhandari’s removal at this juncture? During the SSP meeting here on May 24,
Bhandari said he would reduce the Congress to a ‘zero’ in Sikkim. He does not
have to do anything on this now; the party high command did the job.
Central or Congress leaders from
Delhi mean nothing to the people of Sikkim as far as electioning is concerned.
They can bring money, not votes. Some of them even take money from Sikkim.
Political observers are of the
opinion that Congress did a big favour to Pawan Chamling by removing Bhandari
as SPPC chief. “Now opposition votes remain divided. This goes in Chamling’s
favour,” one observer said. His views may reflect public opinion in days to
come.
Union tribal minister does not know
Limboos, Tamangs are STs in Sikkim
(L to R) Chief Minister Pawan Chamling,
Union Tribal Affairs Minister KC Deo, and Lok Sabha MP PD Rai during the
Sakewa
celebrations at Saramsara, East Sikkim, on Monday.
Gangtok, May 31:
Those who want Assembly seat reservation for the Limbus and Tamangs in the
State should note that the Union Minister for Tribal Affairs KC Deo does not
even know that the two communities have been enlisted in the ST list in the
State.
During the annual Sakewa
celebrations at Saramsara Garden near here on Sunday, Deo said he would do his
utmost to ensure that Limbus and Tamangs are declared STs in the State. Chief
Minister Pawan Chamling and Sikkim’s lone Lok Sabha MP PD Rai were present on
the dais when Deo made the statement.
Justifiably, the Sikkim
Limboo-Tamang Tribal Forum has lambasted the Chamling Government for Deo’s
lapses. Forum Chairman Birbal Limboo in a press statement said it was
unfortunate that the Union Minister does not even know that the two communities
were declared tribals way back in 2003.
Even after 10 years the two
communities have not got seats reserved in the Assembly, the Forum said and
blamed the Chamling Government for its failure to take the matter to the
Centre.
POWER CORRUPTS
Quit Gracefully, Mr.
Srinivasan
The conspiracy of silence
within the BCCI was broken when board heavyweight and Union Power Minister Jyotiraditya
Scindia publicly said President N Srinivasan should quit.
Realising that there is a
conflict of interest as Srinivasan’s own family member is involved in an
ongoing investigation, it's in the fitness of things, from a point of view of
propriety, that he should step aside until this matter reaches a conclusive end
in terms of an inquiry, Scindia rightly said, “We are responsible for the
actions of our family members."
Since then many, including
eminent citizens, have urged the BCCI chief to tender his resignation. However, the BCCI boss refuses to budge. His flagrant
defiance of public opinion may finally lead to an ignoble exit. A faction within the Board is planning to
initiate suspension proceedings against him if he refuses to step down in the
aftermath of the Indian Premier League spot-fixing scandal that has thrown
cricket in the country into disarray. It
is in the best interest of the game that Srinivasan quits gracefully before he
is thrown out.
The Mystery of Sikkim’s Teesta Hydel Project
Private developers, who have got
projects through joint venture routes, are enriching themselves at the cost of
the people. Indeed, who owns the lucrative hydropower projects in Sikkim?
The
Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT) went on an indefinite hunger strike against
hydropower projects on the sacred
Teesta River in Sikkim on June 22, 2007 at BL
(Bhutia-Lepcha) House premises, Gangtok. The campaign – supported by
monks,
students, NGOs and the Sikkimese people – in the spirit of Gandhian Satyagraha
was withdrawn after more than
two years, on September 27, 2009.
A lot of money is being
pumped into companies developing hydropower projects in Sikkim ever since the
Central Government allowed 100 per cent FDI in the power sector through the
direct route. Ironically, an in-depth analysis of these investments show that
the finances are being pumped in from tax haven countries like Singapore,
Mauritius, and so on by companies registered in these countries by venture
capitalists and hedge funds.
The best case study in this
connection is TeestaUrja Limited (TUL), an SPV (Special Purpose Vehicle) set up
by Athena Projects Pvt Ltd for developing the 1200MW Teesta Stage III HEP near
Chungthang in North Sikkim. The Singapore-based Asian GencoPvt Ltd is owned by
TV Vijaykumar, an erstwhile close aide of the late YSR Reddy (former chief
minister of Andhra Pradesh), the late CV Balayogi (former Speaker, LokSabha,
also from Andhra), Jagan Mohan Reddy (YSR's son, now in jail) and KVP
RamachandraRao (close associate of the Reddys), and is currently the owner of
the 1200MW Teesta Stage III being developed by TUL. It holds close to 50 per
cent equity in the project.
Teesta III Hydropower project, Chungthang, North Sikkim:
This 1200 MW project is being executed by M/s Teesta Urja
Limited, also an
Athena Group company.
A clique of investors, led by
Morgan Stanley Infrastructure Partners, bought close to 49 per cent stake in
power generation and engineering services firm Asian Genco for $425 million in
2010, the biggest private equity (PE) transaction in India in the power sector.
The deal is also the first one of over $300 million since 2008. The last PE
deal of this size was when Providence Equity Partners invested $428 million in
Aditya Birla Telecom in 2008.
The group of investors in
Asian Genco includes Everstone Capital, General Atlantic, Goldman Sachs
Investment Management and Norwest Venture Partners, among others. Asian Genco,
to which the former power secretary of Delhi, RV Shahi, is learnt to be a
consultant, had earlier raised funds from other investors like power trading
firm PTC and its finance offshoot, PTC Financial Services, besides global
investors such as Tiger Global Management.
This has been a trend for
many of the Independent Power Producers (IPPs) developing projects in Sikkim,
wherein, as per the clauses in their Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the
state government, land is mortgaged in lieu of huge project finances picked up
by the developers with the state government standing as a guarantor (as per the
MoU, the government of Sikkim owns either 26 per cent or 11 per cent equities
in these projects).
The best example is TUL,
which, in 2008, took Rs 4,500 crore as loan from REC and a consortium of seven
nationalised banks and parked the funds in Asian Genco. Lanco projects did the
same with investments in coal mines in South Africa, Griffin mines in Australia
and a coal mine and a thermal power plant in Chhattisgarh, all with the help of
finances from land mortgaged in Sikkim.
Coastal Projects Sikkim has
sold shares at a premium to Baring Asia Equity Group at 65 times the face
value; such value addition is fully and only attributable to their ownership of
the concerned hydropower project they are executing in Sikkim. Had this
organisation executed the required Shareholder Agreement (Share Subscription
Agreement) and allotted the Sikkim government 26 per cent equity within 180
days of the agreement, the state government, as minority shareholder, would
have got first preference to dilute and could have decided to off-load parts of
its equity at 65 times the face value. In this way, the state government is
denied its dues and gains which the private developers tactfully and wrongfully
embezzled (Source: Coastal Annual Report).
Analysis of these investments
show that the finances are being pumped in from tax haven countries like Singapore,
Mauritius, and so on by companies registered in these countries by venture
capitalists and hedge funds
Private developers who have
got projects through joint venture (JV) routes, are enriching themselves at the
cost of the state and its people. This was the case in Jal Power Corporation
Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Coastal Projects Private Limited,
Hyderabad. In the 75:25 debt equity ratios of Coastal Projects in the JV, the
Sikkim government has, at the rate of 26 per cent equity, Rs 50.40 crore.
Likewise, the
Luxembourg-based Greenko Energy Ventures Private Limited controls the shares in
the 96MW Dikchu Hydropower Project, a JV between the Sikkim government and
Sneha Kinetic Power Projects Private Limited (an SPV). The Sikkim government is
entitled to 26 per cent equity in it. Greenko has raised $46.3 million in
allotting its preference shares (Source: Greenko Annual Report).
In the remand report of Jagan
Reddy, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has clearly stated that in his
Sandur Power Company Limited (SPCL), the Lanco group has purchased considerable
shares. Lanco is doing the Teesta Stage VI project in Sikkim.
The Singapore-based River
Valley Hydro Venture owns 75 per cent stake in Secunderabad-based AmritJal
Ventures (Source: TheEconomic Times), worth Rs 300 crore. AmritJal has floated
three SPVs, Gati Infrastructure, Gati Infrastructure Bhasmey and Gati
Infrastructure SadaMangder for three projects in Sikkim. According to an
Economic Times report (February19, 2009), the owners of AmritJal Ventures were
not clearly known.
In TUL, Mauritius-based
Varuna Investments Private Limited holds 100 per cent preference shares of
Singapore-based Asian Genco, owned by TV Vijay Kumar. Asian Genco owns 50.9 per
cent equity of TUL, leaving 49.1 per cent equity for the consortium partners of
Athena Power Projects Limited (APPL) and the Sikkim government which is
supposed to hold 26 per cent equity in the JV.
The MOU signed by the Sikkim
government with every IPP, modelled on the standard agreement it signed with
TUL, stipulates on the issue of equity subscription that, "The company
shall not change the constitution of the company's board without prior
permission from the government." If there is a violation of this clause,
the Government of Sikkim (GoS) can unilaterally terminate the agreement. In
reality, the GoS under Chief Minister PawanChamling chose not to disturb the
status quo, despite gross illegality, violation of the MoU, quid pro quo
benefits enjoyed by the troika of politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen, not
to mention huge losses to the state exchequer.
In reply to an RTI
application, the private hydropower developers said that, as a private limited
company, they are outside the purview of the RTI Act, 2005, and it is not
applicable to them; signatories to the MoU have no rights under the
implementation agreement with the company.
From this response it becomes
clear that none of the companies that have been awarded projects by the GoS
consider themselves to be in a joint venture and thus are not answerable. To
top it all, in many cases, the original owners are untraceable or have become
minority shareholders, having sold or transferred their equity to third parties
who have nothing to do with the MoU or the GoS. Indeed, this raises serious
legal issues. (Hard News and HT
Syndication)
There can be no peace in Sikkim unless healthy
survival is ensured
Despite aggressive changes Sikkim
cannot afford to abandon its past
By SUNANDA K. DATTA-DAY
The seminar on "Tibet's
Relation with the Himalayas" that the Foundation for Non-Violent
Alternatives (FNVA) organised in Gangtok last week recalled Jigdal Densapa who
died recently. Descended from Sikkim's ancient Lepcha chiefs and a hereditary
Kazi of Barmiok, Densapa was secretary to the last Chogyal of Sikkim. Sir
Patrick Shaw, a former Australian high commissioner to India, called him
"the only modern man in Sikkim".
That's what I remembered as
learned seminar papers by Sangeeta Thapliyal of the Jawaharlal Nehru
University, the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses' Col P K Gautam or
Nani Bath of Itanagar's Rajiv Gandhi University focussed on threats to national
identity in Nepal, Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. With modernity run riot in
Sikkim, I didn't see a single man in the ankle-length robe called baku or kho,
which is the Sikkimese male's traditional attire. Densapa wore it with dignity.
The empty desolation of the
Chogyal's palace is as indicative of the new Sikkim as bustling crowds in the
wide walkway of Mahatma Gandhi Marg. Its crowded shops and cafes cater mainly to
budget tourists whose colloquial Bengali rises stridently above the hubbub. But
here and there, pleasant sanctuaries like Baker's Cafe and the just-opened
Coffee Shop, offer a touch of more sophisticated leisure. Where smelly,
run-down Dewan's in the bazaar was once the only hostelry, hotels now sprout
every few yards, ranging from the ostentatious Mayfair and elegant Denzong
Residency to hole-in-the-wall hovels. Two boast casinos where locals squander
their new-found wealth on the turn of the wheel.
Rajiv Gandhi's calculation
that only 15 per cent of development funds reach the target means that 600,000
Sikkimese are making money hand over fist. In their past innocence, my
Sikkimese friends didn't think of exploiting the absence of excise duty under
the Chogyal. But the shrewd Indian businessmen who flooded Gangtok after the
protected kingdom became India's 22nd state quickly grasped they needed only an
address in Sikkim, a front man and a dummy company to make a killing from
duty-free goods. Soon, greed overcame prudence. Factories elsewhere in India
began rolling out manufactures stamped "Made in Sikkim". The
exchequer may have lost Rs 3,50 crore on evaded tobacco duty alone.
Despite aggressive changes,
however, Sikkim cannot afford to abandon its past. The 300,000 registered
"Sikkim subjects" (meaning they or their ancestors were bona fide
residents of the kingdom) pay no income tax. About 225,000 of them are ethnic
Nepalese. Another 35,000 Nepalese probably have fake certificates. Sikkim's Tibeto-Buddhist
ethic has been watered down, and some indigenes complain of existing on
sufferance. Kazi Lendhup Dorji, the first chief minister whom many Sikkimese
regard as the "country-seller" even while they formally honour his
memory, once chided me for not speaking Nepalese. "It's the language of
the people," he said.
The monarchy would never have
been overthrown and the kingdom merged without Nepalese cooperation. Since they
accused the Chogyal and his Bhutiya-Lepcha courtiers of trampling on their
Hindu Nepalese identity, you would expect them to make common cause now with
West Bengal's militant Nepalese, especially as Darjeeling district once
belonged to Sikkim. Gangtok's fairy-tale Assembly even recently passed a
resolution supporting Gorkhaland. But do they want to join it? Certainly not.
As Kazi's Hindu ethnic Nepalese successor Nar Bahadur Bhandari put it, Sikkim
had merged but would not be submerged.
Since they are no longer
fighting a durbar that derived its symbols and rituals from Manchu China, the
Nepalese who constitute 75 per cent of Sikkim's population don't need to
reinvent themselves as Gorkha. They are proudly Sikkimese, masters in their own
home. Merger would erode an identity that synthesises the legacy of six
centuries of Tibet's cultural influence. Sikkim can be put in India, but Tibet
can't be taken out of Sikkim. Merger would also cost the Sikkimese their
protected jobs and special privileges.
Uttam Lal, a young idealist
who teaches geography and natural resources management at Sikkim University,
spoke passionately of the threat that both man and beast face on Sikkim's
border with Tibet. He meant mines, barbed wire fencing and other defensive
measures. The menace of modernity is no less serious. It is as much in need of
the attention of organisations like the FNVA, which calls itself an
"institute for developing peace studies". There can be no peace
unless healthy survival is ensured. (Business
Standard)
Sikkim Scouts will be part of 11th Gorkha
Rifles
Lucknow, May 31: Friday was indeed a historical day for the Indian Army, the Gorkha
Brigade, 11 Gorkha Rifles & the state of Sikkim, as Vice Chief of Army
Staff (VCOAS) Lieutenant General SK Singh unveiled the flag of Sikkim Scouts.
This new battalion will form part of 11 Gorkha Rifles and will be raised at 11
GRRC, Lucknow.
On this historic moment, the VCOAS,
who is also the 'President of the Gorkha Brigade' unveiled the flag and handed
it over to Colonel Samar Singh Pundir, first commanding officer of the
battalion. The battalion will be permanently located in the high altitude and
rugged terrain of Sikkim, The Times of
India reported.
This battalion is raised on the concept of
'Sons of Soils' to guard the nation's frontiers. Based on this concept, the
Indian Army already has Ladakh Scouts, Dogra Scouts, Garhwal Scouts, Kumaon
Scouts & the Arunachal Scouts.
The Singh exhorted all
present to work hard and lay a solid foundation. He said that other troops will
stay for 2-3 years in these altitudes and then withdraw, but the Scouts will be
permanently there.
He also said that the men
have been selected since they are locals, they understand the language and are
fully acclimatised. He remarked that a new beginning has been made and the
Sikkim Scouts must live up to the reputation of the fabled Scouts of Indian
Army.
Bhutia Kerab Yargay Tshogpa: how and why it was formed
By Karma Lhendup
Kaleon (left)
This is in
response to the
report on the
proposed election of
the governing body
of the Bhutia
Kerab Yargay Tshogpa (BKYT) which appeared in the
May 10, 2013 issue of Sikkim
Now. This came
as a big
surprise to this
Gembo as he
is one of
the founder- members of
this organization. The executive body was never elected
since its inception.
As a Gembo
I must share the
story of this
organization with my youngsters for their
information and further
necessary action. It is a story of deception,
intrigue and back- stabbing.
The BKYT
was founded in
around 1982 when this
Gembo was a restless young
man with sky-rocketing
vision and enthusiasm.
He was much commented
upon for this
reason by his adversaries.
Some said he
lived in a
world of his
own dream while others
said he did
things without any
finishing and some
said he misguided
people. The story
of BKYT was
about all these.
The concept of
the language called
Bhutia was never accepted
by people that
mattered. Late Lachen Gomchhen
was dead opposed
to it. For
that matter it
never received the blessings
of the chho-keong-srung-mas yul-lha
shib-dag of the
land.
The BKYT was
formed primarily to
develop and promote the
Bhutia language among the
Lomenlas in the
first instance. It
was intended to
hold workshops and
training programmes for
teaching the language
to the language
teachers first. The
first meeting of
the organization was called in
the White Hall
premise in open air
beside the resting
house called Hawa-ghar The
meeting itself was
a kind of
training programme for
the Lomenlas on how to
conduct a meeting, record
the minutes of
the meeting and adopt
resolutions. If the
Minute Book is
still available, you will
see how many
people attended that
fateful meeting. In
order to give
the language a
semblance of literary
identity and entity,
this Gembo published
a monthly journal
under the title
of ‘De-log’ which
means resurrection. This
magazine served as
the backbone of
the language and
the show piece of
literary work in
the language.
There was
a text book
writer appointed for writing
books in that
language. He simply did
not know how
to go about it.
Writing a book by a
person who never wrote
was the beginning. He
was a monk
wedded deeply to
the principle of
the Dhamma which
forbids the identification of
self. He never
wrote books in
his own name.
The name of
this Gembo too
featured in the
books he wrote
for some time.
I did not
like that and
he was offended
and was repenting
later. I knew
beforehand what was
going to happen.
They happened to
him. He remained
unsung. The said
writer should remember how
this Gembo initiated
him into the world
of creative writing
with his rudimentary
knowledge of Bhutia.
This Gembo had
a fascination for
reducing the Sikkimese
language in written
form from early
days. He tried
this in mixed Devnagiri
and Bhutia font
and published a
book which later
became the reference
book for the
writer.
As far
as the BKYT
was concerned this Gembo
had provided everything
ready -made. The logo was
designed with a motto
derived from Dhammapadda.
Letter pads were
printed enough for several
years as the
people mattered inspired
least confidence in the
Gembo. The Lomenlas
were told that
the BKYT shall
be an exclusively
Lomenla forum where their
problems regarding the
language would be
discussed and to continue the
work as shown.
By Lomenla I
mean a language
teacher. In those
days people formed
a society and
went around with khada
in hand in
search of a
Gembo to be
its president. Thereafter, the society
flopped because the
hired president neither knew
about the purpose
of the society
nor was he
in need of
one.
The BKYT
met with the
same fate and
vanished. It fell in the
hands of
vested interests group
who hijacked it for
other purposes. The
message of BKYT never reached the Lomenlas
as it never worked
for the objectives
it was created
for. The ‘De-log’, too,
died. Private schools never
accepted the neo- Bhutia. As
a result today
70 % of the
Lomenlas knew neither
the Bhutia nor
the Sikkimese and
the number of
admission in the
language dropped year
by year. The
poor Lomenlas are
being withdrawn from schools. A
year ago this
Gembo met one
heart broken Lomenla.
He said the
Bhutia as such
would be extinct
by 2050 at
the present rate
of degeneration. The
grave prediction of the Lomenla
least surprised this Gembo.
A work
done on wrong
premise is always
fallacious. The idea
of Bhutia language was
a fallacy and
extinction was natural.
The Bhutia language
was created with
malicious intention by suppressing
the Notification of
1958. It was
to give legitimacy
to the diluted
definition of Bhutia.
Where does the BKYT
stands today may be
summed up from
a press release it
issued a few
years back. It
came out in
a local paper.
It expressed sympathy
with the cause of
Goukhaland. It seems
it is now
functioning more as a
Bracket Bhutia cell of
certain political outfit
than as a social body. Any
simple minded person
would think that
the proposed election
of the BKYT
is intended to
unify the Lomenlas
for the coming
event ? Bhutia is a
universal language. It cannot belong
to a community
This Gembo
regretted much that he did not know about the
existence of the
Language Notification of
1958 and the
Manual of Denjong
Ke by Graham
Sandberg when he was trying
to develop a methodology
for writing Sikkimese.
Looking back on
the hindsight we see
how prophetic was
Lachen Gomchen. His wisdom
stands honoured..
Therefore, in homage
to the great
Lama this Gembo
recommended teaching of
Bhutia in Sambhota
way and Sikkimese
in Graham Sandberg
way. The teaching
of Bhutia should
go back to
Laptras in the
Gumpas and Sikkimese be
introduced in schools with
teachers from general education
background. With this in
view this Gembo
wrote to the
Sangha MLA in
2010 about the
idea of a
Laptra Education Board
in the format
of Muslim Madrasa Board
of Education.
The Madrasa
Board of education
was conceived to
make the students
employable and earn
a livelihood. The
respected MLA did
not respond to this
Gembo. I do not know
whose interest he is representing.
He is a
family man and
is seen wearing
the dress of a
Gelong shamelessly. If
the above said
Lomenla, the prophet
of doom, know
all these he
would definitely advance
the date of
extinction of the
Bhutia to 2020. (Karma Lhendup
Kaleon is a Founder -Member of Bhutia
Keyrab Yargay Tshogpa (BKYT)