RAHUL GANDHI’S LONG MARCH

When the defeated walk, history is made

Sriram Karri

KANYAKUMARI: They may go to bed on Tuesday night despondent, down, bruised and defeated, but they will wake up on Wednesday morning filled with hope. The energy of Congress leaders and cadre travelling from Telangana to Kanyakumari is infectious. It possibly perfectly mirrors the mood of not only the thousands of fellow Congress people who will join party leader Rahul Gandhi for the start of Bharat Jodo Yatra at the former Cape Comorin, but of millions of common Indians he will meet along the arduous journey.

   In a yatra that could go beyond seven to eight months, and cover over 3,570 kilometres, Rahul Gandhi is feeling up to a challenge when his chips are at their lowest, the odds stacked against him and his party.

  The Congress is not only losing elections, winning fewer Lok Sabha seats than it would take to have a bonafide Leader of Opposition in two elections but also in most states.

   The Congress is even losing governments it had won, like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh, and its leaders, some loyal for decades, are deserting.

   The party of A.O. Hume, Annie Beasant, Dadabhai Naoroji, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and a foundational platform of leaders from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh, may be reaching a climax, and demise, under the watch of the final Gandhi-Nehru scion, according to most.

   Either it will die, its death starting on Wednesday if the walk flops, or be set for a rebirth, a renaissance, if the fabled Gandhi-Nehru magic works with Indians.

   And it could work. Because Rahul Gandhi is no stranger to losing. He lost his grandmother as a little child, and witnessed the most gruesome manner of losing a father. He lost his youth in a maze of political confusion, and saw power, and experienced its loss.

   Now, he is ready to walk. Showing himself in common places, on foot, bereft of paraphernalia of power, away from the luxury of the palace he was born in.

   Leaders who have converged here with anticipation and excitement greet each other, even as cadres shout slogans. They talk in different tones, with different emotions.

   Hope and doubt dance on their faces, as expressions change, analysing and proposing varied scenarios.

   A leader of over three decades from Maharashtra airs the most common of beliefs: “The Gandhis have a tryst with history, and destiny. Rahul ji could have chosen the easiest path to Prime Ministership, but he chose the hardest one.”

   There is tacit awareness, if not outright acknowledgment, that Rahul Gandhi is also on a mission to make history. A win, with an absolute majority, in 2024 will accord PM Narendra Modi an aura only his ideological arch enemy, Jawaharlal Nehru had. Modi will become an era, an icon, unmatched.

Can Rahul Gandhi match up to the best of his legacy and revive the glory of the Congress? There are more sceptics than believers. But history is tricky, and the path to making it is hardly straight.

   “Anything is possible. One of the most written-off leaders is marching. When the defeated march, history gets rewritten. It is either a ‘Baahubali’ or a ‘Laal Singh Chaddha’ that we will see,” said another bystander, watching the array of leaders descend at the Thiruvananthapuram airport.

   Precedents exist; from Napoleon’s walk to Mahatma Gandhi’s Dandi march. In Telugu states, three leaders have walked their way into people’s hearts, and power. Even former prime minister Chandra Shekhar’s walk led to an accidental brush with the premier job.

   If movie analogies work in politics, Indians have always loved double role flicks. Ram aur Shyam. Seeta aur Geeta.  Now, Rahul Gandhi will be seen in the un-entitled powerless role, even as his adversary is in the stratospheric orbit.

   Will the walk change the way Indians see Rahul Gandhi? They might. That could be all the hapless and clueless Congress needs right now. And that is the hope they will wake up tomorrow with. That as Rahul walks, India will see and feel the aura of all the other Gandhis before. And vote for the hand that guides a nation.

 (Ref: Deccan Chronicle Sep 7, 2022. Sriram Karri is the Resident Editor of Deccan Chronicle, based in Hyderabad. He is also the author of the MAN Asian Literary Prize long-listed novel 'Autobiography of a Mad Nation' and 'The Spiritual Supermarket'.)

 

SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE

Let all Sikkimese feel safe and secure in Sikkim

The authorities in Delhi and Gangtok are widely aware or should be aware of the need to give top priority to safeguarding national security concerns in this sensitive and strategic border region.

   Genuine national unity and integration can come when people in their respective States, particularly in strategic border regions, are safe and secure. If those in power are truly and genuinely concerned over these vital issues then let all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities be included in the ST list in the State and let all of them enjoy all economic, educational and employment benefits which are meant for all STs at the national level. If this is done then special care must be taken in all respect to safeguard the rights and interests of the economically and educationally weaker sections of the people in the State who belong to all communities.

   However, while ST status may be granted to all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, seats in the Assembly should be reserved for them on the basis of their ethnicity as per Article 371F of the Constitution, which reflect the provisions of the May 8, 1973 Agreement and Government of Sikkim Act, 1974, and not on the basis of them being given ST status. If these two demands are fulfilled it will bring genuine national integration while also preserving Sikkim’s special status within the Union.

   Let other Sikkimese, who are locally referred to as ‘purano byapari’ (old business community), be identified through a cut-off year, and given a special place in Sikkim. These people, who hail from the plains and hill regions of the country, belong to all communities and have been living in Sikkim for generations. Most of them have been born and brought up in Sikkim and regard Sikkim as their homeland. It is the moral duty of all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities to provide adequate political and economic safeguards to such category of people so that they, too, feel safe and secure in Sikkim.

   The time has finally come for all Sikkimese people to rise up to the occasion and shoulder the responsibility entrusted to them by generations of the Sikkimese people yet to come.

 

(Ref: Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2009.)

 

BIRAJ ADHIKARI: THE ONE WHO MADE A DIFFERENCE

   During the pro-democracy movement in Sikkim led by Pawan Chamling, President of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF), in the early 1990s, which led to the ouster of the Bhandari regime in 1994, political activists such as Biraj Adhikari made tremendous contribution for Sikkim and the Sikkimese people. At times they risked their life and property for the common cause.

   After the political leadership made use of people such as Biraj Adhikari to achieve their political ambition the likes of Adhikari were sidelined and replaced by sycophants, leaving the Sikkimese people in the hands of corrupt and petty politicians. The rest is history…

   It has been my great privilege to record the tremendous contributions made by people such as Biraj Adhikari for our Sikkim in my newspapers and books. ‘The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland’, published in 2014, proudly recalls our street fighting days:

 

  “While more than 200 SDF supporters and other pro-democracy activists were arrested after the police crackdown in June 1993 several prominent leaders, including SDF General Secretary Biraj Adhikari (32), were arrested and detained in Sadar police station in Gangtok on June 24. Adhikari had to be moved to the local STNM hospital after he was mercilessly beaten up in the thana by police personnel.

     Adkhikari, a computer engineer-turned-politician, was ordered to be brought to the hospital by the Sikkim High Court in response to a petition filed by his wife on July 1. The court’s order not only boosted the morale of anti-Bhandari agitators but also saved the SDF leader’s life. The order said: “Keeping in mind the peculiar circumstances and the affairs in the STNM hospital (local) – we think it will be proper to safeguard the health and life of Mr. Biraj Adhikari that some second opinion be taken about his treatment.” The court also ordered that Adhikari be taken to Delhi or Chandigarh where his in-laws live for treatment. “Expenses for all this will be borne by the State Government,” the order stated.

   Adhikari was not only one of my friends but also one of the most effective and influential leaders of the SDF who had a great hand in mobilizing support for the party in Gangtok and the east district where most anti-Bhandari activities took place during this crucial period. A son of a former secretary in the State Government and an alumnus of St Paul’s School, Darjeeling, and Tashi Namgyal Academy (TNA), Gangtok, Adhikari, unlike many politicians, had no communal inclinations and because of his openness and broader views on politics he attracted many educated youths from all communities towards the SDF.

   The Amnesty International’s report, dated October 1994 and captioned “Sikkim: Torture of an opposition politician,” stated: “Biraj Adhikari, an opposition politician, was arrested on 24 June 1993 and subsequently tortured in police custody. He suffered serious wounds to his feet and may be permanently disabled. A medical examination carried outside India by an independent doctor with expertise in examining torture victims confirmed that the after-effects of trauma found during the examination exactly fitted Biraj Adhikari’s account of his torture during interrogation. Amnesty International is concerned that there has not been an independent and impartial inquiry into the torture of Biraj Adhikari, that compensation has not been granted to him and that peaceful opponents of the government remain liable to such violations of human rights in Sikkim, as long as the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.”

   The report added, “Amnesty International is concerned at persistent reports of arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment of opposition politicians in Sikkim, of which the illegal    detention and torture of Biraj Adhikari in June 1993 is only a detailed example. Amnesty International has received reports of two government opponents alleged to have died as a result of torture in police custody in the state in recent years, but the perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice.”

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, and Blog: jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 MAY 8, 1973 AGREEMENT: INDIA’S ‘TROJAN HORSE’ FOR SIKKIM TAKEOVER

Secret pact

During his next “unannounced” visit to Sikkim on April 21¹ Kewal Singh brought the draft agreement to be signed by the Chogyal, the Government of India, and leaders of major political parties of Sikkim. One of Singh’s main assignments this time was to sign a “secret pact” with the Choygal. On April 23, a “confidential” document titled “Agreement between the Chogyal and the Government of India” was signed in Gangtok, which promised to preserve “the identity of Sikkim” and “the constitutional position of the Chogyal of Sikkim”. Anti-Chogyal forces viewed the move as a bid by New Delhi to “restore the durbar to power”. However, major issues raised in the agreement were also included in the draft of the proposed tripartite agreement.

Datta-Ray observed: “But the durbar was relieved because it rightly believed that Sikkim could not be absorbed while its throne survived. Kewal Singh also promised the Chogyal that the administrator would be another dewan, and would be withdrawn as soon as the political situation had stabilized. If all this was reassuring, the durbar was baffled and worried by the foreign secretary’s insistence on complete secrecy. It would have liked the tripartite agreement either to confirm the earlier one or to repeat that the monarchy and Sikkim’s status as a protectorate remained unimpaired. But Kewal Singh assured the Chogyal that the 8 May document was only for public consumption, a sop to Kazi and his colleagues, and that the 23 April agreement was the operative one. Moreover, he continued, any reference to the monarchy or to relations with India might have suggested to the 15 signatories that both matters were within their jurisdiction.²  

After making minor changes in the tripartite agreement in the Foreign Office in New Delhi, the Foreign Secretary returned to Gangtok on May 7 with the revised draft. With great reluctance the Chogyal signed the agreement the next day on May 8 at the Palace at 9 p.m.. This was only after he was assured by Kewal Singh that “the tripartite agreement was basically the same as of April 23 except for minor variations to the satisfaction of the political parties and should, as such, be treated as a “Public Relations Document”³

Before the signing of the agreement in the Palace, the Chogyal gave a dressing down to JAC leaders and accused them of “betrayal and sell-out to India”. Because of their “treachery” they were “not worthy of being called Sikkimese” and the people of Sikkim would never forgive them for their devious ways. Das recalls how the Chogyal felt during the signing of the agreement: “The famous May 8 Agreement was signed at 9 P.M. in the Palace. At first, Kazi and his group refused to go to the Palace. K.C. Pradhan and B.B. Gurung expressed a fear that the Chogyal would poison their liquor! Narbahadur Khatiwada protested on principle and wanted the Chogyal to come to the India House to sign the document. After great persuasion, they trooped into the Palace. Used to years of subservience, they bowed to the Chogyal in reverence and the latter let them have it. He was full of liquor already and surcharged with emotions; he accused the leaders of betrayal and sell-out to India. Sikkim and her people would never forgive them for their treachery. Instead of him, they would now have an Indian Chogyal to rule. They were not worthy of being called Sikkimese having sold their country. None uttered a word as if they were under a spell. The Chogyal’s performance was superb. He took out his pen and signed. The others followed including the National Party and Kewal Singh. The Foreign Secretary swallowed all the abuses showered on the political leaders that night but never forgave the Chogyal for this.”⁴

Tripartite Agreement 1973

(Left to Right) Kewal Singh (Indian Foreign Secretary), Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, K.S. Bajpai (Indian Political Officer) and Karma Topden (Deputy Secretary to the Chogyal) during the signing of the Tripartite Agreement of May 8^th, 1973, in Gangtok.

There were mixed reactions to the May 8 Agreement. The Indian Press hailed it as a “significant breakthrough”. Kazi and his colleagues viewed it as a decisive victory for their party. But the Chogyal, sensing the agreement to be an “eyewash”, remained a “silent spectator”. He was acutely aware of New Delhi’s role in the present turmoil in Sikkim and was certain that the signing of the May 8 Agreement was a prelude to “bigger things”. “His first disillusionment came when the May 8 Agreement was placed before the Indian Parliament. He called me and asked the implications. When I told him that this was going to be the basis of the new political arrangement, he blew up. Based on the assurances of the Foreign Secretary, he considered it only a public relations document, treating April 23 Agreement as the valid one. When told that subsequent agreement on the same issue supersedes the previous one, specially when it was a tripartite agreement and placed before the Indian Parliament, he accused the Foreign Secretary of duplicity and breach of faith,” writes Das. He adds: “The Chogyal lost complete confidence in Kewal Singh and his doubts that Delhi was planning the merger of Sikkim never left him thereafter.”⁵

The May 8 Agreement, signed between the Chogyal, the Government of India represented by the Foreign Secretary, and five representatives of the three major political parties of Sikkim led by L.D. Kazi (SNC), K.C. Pradhan (SJC) and Netuk Tsering Lama (SNP),  was a major achievement for New Delhi and anti-Chogyal, anti-Sikkim forces in Sikkim. The April agitation and subsequent Indian takeover of Sikkim’s administration on April 8, culminating in the tripartite agreement is significant. The signing of the Agreement marked a decisive phase in the kingdom’s political development, and was, as suspected by the Chogyal and Sikkimese nationalists, one of the major steps to make Sikkim a part and parcel of India.

(Ref: SONS OF SIKKIM: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications & Notion Press, 2020.)

INSIDE SIKKIM In his column, Mediawatch, published in Calcutta’s Sunday magazine, eminent journalist and recently-elected President of the Press Club of India, S. Nihal Singh, observed: “...the fighters of press freedom are not those who declaim the virtues of the freedom of the press at great gatherings, useful as such exercises are as reminders of principles. They are the small-town journalists who spurn temptations of political patronage and personal monetary gain to do their jobs honestly.” Singh then goes on to add: “The fourth estate has a growing responsibility in pinpointing the evils because it is often the only pillar of democracy to be found in these areas.” He finally comments: “But newspapers need to do more to support lone journalists fighting against great odds...It is, therefore, the duty of the national press to highlight the sacrifices of little-known men and women fighting at the real frontiers of press freedom...The old battle against India Gandhi’s Emergency was fought and won in the capital and other metropolitan centres. The new battles are now raging elsewhere. Let us salute those who are fighting them.” Singh’s words describe the press in Sikkim perfectly. The non-existence of an effective opposition and the absence of a democratic atmosphere in the former Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim has resulted in the local press shouldering greater responsibilities than it was meant to, often taking calculated risks to life and property. Independent newspapers such as the Sikkim Observer have over the years gone through enormous hardships in maintaining their independent existence and not submitting to the diktats of those in power. Some of us have had to live under constant pressure and often have been unjustifiably penalised. For instance, the Eastern Express and Sikkim Observer printing presses – two credible and independent newspaper establishments in Sikkim – were completely ransacked following electoral ‘victories’ of the Chief Minister, Nar Bahadur Bhandari’s Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP) in the Assembly elections in 1985 and 1989. Assaults, threats, intimidations and pressure exerted on the local press in the past one and half decades has completely and systematically silenced the voice of free press in Sikkim. The printing of the Sikkim Observer had to be undertaken in another State (West Bengal) after 1989. Even there, the paper was forced to suspend publication many times. After May 1993, the Sikkim Observer ceased publication. Efforts were made to bring out the paper even further away than West Bengal as the law and order situation and the political process steadily deteriorated. Bhandari’s stranglehold on the State Legislative Assembly was spoilt by one legislator, Pawan Kumar Chamling, deciding to break away and forming a one-man opposition under the banner of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF). In spite of its supporters and leaders having been arrested and tortured in police custody, the SDF became hugely popular of late and may just succeed in its objective of putting an end to the “reign of terror”. The press naturally welcomes this bestirring of the opposition because for too long it has offered the sole resistance to the regime. Our job as journalists and newspaper-owners is to give a balanced view of events and issues. It is for the people to initiate change for which the press can only act as catalyst. The Hindustan Times, during the ‘merger’ period, warned that India would not be able to convince the world that Sikkim’s inclusion within the Union represented the will of its people. “Elsewhere protectorates are graduating to independence and colonies are marching to freedom. In Sikkim, a protectorate is moving to freedom within India,” it commended. Today, the people of Sikkim are questioning whether “moving to freedom within India” has benefitted them socially, culturally, economically and politically. Or whether they were better off being a Protectorate rather than a part of the Indian Union. Acknowledging that he did not approve of the manner in which Sikkim was merged with India, the former Indian Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, in 1979 said while ‘merger’ was a ‘fait accompli’, he hoped that the people of Sikkim would benefit from it. Whether the merger has benefitted the people or not can be best gauged from the fact that the Sikkimese people continue to be deprived of their basic fundamental rights and freedoms despite having been a part of the world’s largest democracy for almost two decades. The former Chief Minister and chief architect of the ‘merger’, Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa, has stated on more than one occasion that New Delhi has failed to honour its word and abide by the ‘terms of the merger’. Kazi has declared that the ‘merger’ was conditional and the Government of India was morally and constitutionally bound to respect the terms and conditions under which Sikkim became the 22nd State of the Union and protect the ‘rights and interests’ of the Sikkimese people and thereby preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union. The constant betrayal of the people’s trust by political leadership in Gangtok and New Delhi and the poor economic condition of the people speak volumes of how the ‘hopes and aspirations’ of the Sikkimese people have been sacrificed in order to secure peace in this strategic border State and satisfy the growing greed and ambitions of power-hungry politicians and bureaucrats. What New Delhi fails to admit and realise is that the peaceful atmosphere that is prevalent in Sikkim today is nothing but ‘peace of the grave.’ For under the peaceful facade, the undercurrents are high and tension is mounting day by day. Not many people believed that the demand for ‘closer ties with India’ and ‘full-fledged democracy’, made prior to the ‘merger’, would lead to Sikkim becoming a part and parcel of India. Similarly, no one this time can predict where the present anti-Bhandari wave, pro-democracy, and pro-Sikkim movement for ‘freedom and democracy’, will eventually lead to. “We fought for democracy and freedom. What we have in Sikkim today is dictatorship of the worst type,” stated Kazi and the former Chief Minister, Bhim Bahadur Gurung’s letter to the Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, in 1992. A public interest petition relating to corruption in the State administration filed in the Supreme Court by Kazi in early 1993 against Bhandari and others is likely to come to a final end shortly. The CBI (Criminal Bureau of Investigation), on the insistence of the Supreme Court, has recently submitted its report to the Supreme Court on the issue. The report of the CBI, which has been investigating corruption charges against Bhandari and others, including the former Sikkim Chief Secretary, P.K. Pradhan, and the former Rajya Sabha MP from Sikkim Karma Topden (now a member of the Bhandari Cabinet, after having retired from the Rajya Sabha in October 1992), provides enough evidence to hold them guilty of corrupt practices. Even if the Centre is unwilling to go against Bhandari, the views of the court and the present anti-Bhandari wave in Sikkim, spearheaded by Chamling’s SDF, is likely to dampen Bhandari’s prospects of a fourth consecutive victory in the Assembly elections slated for 1994-end. Corruption in high places is one thing; using money made through corrupt means to remain perpetually in power is quite another. While the content of this book will hopefully be a valuable document for those interested in the state of Sikkim after the Indian takeover in 1975, this book is essentially written for myself, and perhaps for those who saw what I was doing but didn’t really know why and how I went about my job. This is my tenth year as a full-time journalist in Sikkim and besides recording my views on important events and issues of Sikkim, I want to record everything for posterity to take note of how things were and how some of us have been living all these years – all alone and against the tide.December, 1993. (Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

 

10^th Anniversary of Sikkim ‘Press Freedom Day’

Keynote address by Jigme N. Kazi, President, Sikkim Federation of Working Journalists (SFWJ), State unit of Indian Federation of Working Journalists (IFWJ), on the occasion of the 1st Sikkim Press Freedom Day function organized by SFWJ in Gangtok on June 19, 2010.

(I want to share and place on record of what I said and what we did many years back on issues that are so vitally important to humanity)

              -----------------------------------------------------------------

   “In May 1789, Louis XVI summoned to Versailles a full meeting of the ‘Estates General’.

The First Estate consisted of three hundred nobles. The Second Estate, three hundred clergy.

The Third Estate, six hundred commoners. Some years later, after the French Revolution, Edmund Burke, looking up at the Press Gallery of the House of Commons, said, “Yonder sits the Fourth Estate, and they are more important than them all.” (Jeffrey Archer in “The Fourth Estate”

Sikkim Press Freedom Day, June 19, 2010.

   Respected Chief Guest, Secretary IPR, President, Press Club of Sikkim, distinguished guests, members of the Fourth Estate, and my colleagues in the Sikkim Federation of Working Journalists.

   It is our privilege and honour to have the former Chief Minister of Sikkim, Mr. B.B. Gooroong, who was not only the Press Advisor to the Chief Minister but was also a journalist once upon a time.

   When members of the local media held a protest rally to voice their concern for protection of Press Freedom in Gangtok  seventeen years ago on June 19, 1993, Mr. Gooroong came all the way down to the Paljor Stadium where we held the rally and congratulated us and gave us his support.

   Sir, you have honoured us once again and touched our hearts by being here amidst your very hectic schedule.

   If 17 years is a long time to remember what we did on this day on that day and honour those valiant journalists who risked everything to raise their voice against suppression of the freedom of press then I believe that even after 50 years the Fourth Estate in Sikkim will remember with pride and look back on this day and what we did here today.

   By being here today to mark the 1st Sikkim Press Freedom Day  celebrations we are not just honouring those who took part in the Press Freedom Rally on June 19, 1993, we are also, once again, making our stand clear on issues and principles that guide and govern the Fourth Estate all over the world.

   Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers of America, once said: “If it were left to me to decide whether we should have a government without a free press or a free press without a government, I would prefer the latter.”

   Who wouldn’t, particularly when that government is bent on suppression of free expression, particularly of Press Freedom? Lets face it: the Press and the government are natural adversaries. Each has its own unique role in society.

   What is freedom without a free Press? And what is the Press without freedom? To be more precise; what is democracy without freedom, particularly Press freedom? Pansy Takula, one of the advocates of Press freedom and Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information of the African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights, recently said,

   “We have reached the point where I think we need constructive dialogue with the government of this country, where maybe my office, together with media practitioners and media organizations and governments, can sit around a table and try and find each other.”

    She added, “Free press, in particular, and freedom of expression, in general (are) very important not only on the African continent, but everywhere else in the world because without free press you cannot have democracy.  You cannot have good governance.  You cannot have the rule of law.  You know, the media act as a watch dog against those who are in power.”

Press Rally in Gangtok, June 19, 1993.

   In Asia, in India and in Sikkim it is time that we, the media and the authorities, sit together, sort out our differences and respect each other’s role in a free and democratic set-up. When the annual World Press Freedom Day, a date to celebrate the fundamental principles of press freedom and to pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in the line of duty, was observed in May 3 last month (2010), the Fourth Estate dedicated this year’s World Press Freedom Day to the “right to know”: the right of all people, including journalists, to have access to information held by governments and other public bodies.

   The right to know is the right to ask questions to public institutions and their obligation to reply. The right to know is essential for the media and the public to enjoy true freedom of expression, protected by Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights since it was adopted in 1948.

    My paper, the Sikkim Observer, still has a column called “People Want to Know, People Have a Right to Know.” We must all make our own contribution towards Press Freedom no matter what kind of adverse situations we may face.

  We must believe that in a democratic system the people are sovereign. The slogan, janta rajma jantai raja, must be put into practice if we are sincere in what we profess.  In a true democracy the role of the government is to serve the people and the people have the right to know and question what is done on their behalf.

   There was an emotional ceremony at the White House recently when President Obama welcomed slain journalist Daniel Pearl’s surviving family members to witness the signing of the Daniel Pearl Freedom of the Press Act. Pearl, a reporter for the Wall Street Journal, was brutally murdered in Pakistan as he was following up some leads on al-Qaeda in early 2002. Four Pakistanis were convicted in Pearl’s murder in July of that year. According to the New York Times, the Freedom of the Press Act “requires the State Department to expand its scrutiny of news media restrictions and intimidation as part of its annual review of human rights in each country. Among other considerations, the department will be required to determine whether foreign governments participate in or condone violations of press freedom.”

   On this special day I would like to recall and place on record on what I said on June 19, 1993 during the Press Freedom rally held in Gangtok:

    My message was simple and direct: “Today, we are here to lodge a symbolic protest. But if our voice is not heard and if the suppression of the freedom of the Press still continues despite the stand that we have taken here today, we must not be content with mere symbolism. Me must raise a voice in every village and town in this State. We must raise our voice in Mangan, in Geyzing, and in Namchi (headquarters of the three other district of Sikkim), and if need be, in Delhi, Calcutta, Madras and Bombay. We must also raise our voice in the Assembly and in the Parliament, and if need be, in other international Press forum as well. We must continue to press on until ten thousand conscious citizens in Sikkim come together and raise their voice and rally support for Freedom of the Press in Sikkim.”    

   Three days after our rally thousands of pro-democracy supporters led by Sikkim Democratic Front stormed the capital on June 22. Within less than eleven months after the rally the repressive regime in Sikkim was toppled leading to formation of a new government after the November Assembly elections in 1994.

    The local Press played a notable role in restoration of freedom, democracy, justice and rule of law in the people’s struggle for change in Sikkim.

    It is, therefore, fitting and proper that we should remember and honour those who stood their ground in times of crisis while others faltered.

    I want to thank my colleagues in the Sikkim Federation of Working Journalists and other members of the Fourth Estate for arranging this function and giving a helping hand to preserve and protect Press freedom in Sikkim.

   My final message to you comes from the words of President John F. Kennedy who said:

    “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”

 

 

Lest We Forget

LACHEN PIPON CHO LEDON

How to Light a Fire

Jhowo Ledon and wife Chum Lhanzay

   It is in the fitness of things to begin my first step in my new venture in my Facebook group – Lest We Forget – with my late grandfather, Jhowo Ledon Nima Gyatso of Lachen, North Sikkim. Though he passed away more than six decades ago in the late 1950s he is still near and dear to me.

   When he passed away (perhaps in 1956-58) he left behind his wife, Chum Lhanzay, daughter Chum Phigu, his son-in-law Yap Rinzing Namgyal Kazi, and two grandsons, my late brother Tenzing Danen and myself. I don’t think my younger brother, Gyamtso Namgyal, was born at that time. Through his two daughters, Chum Yangchen (my mother) and Chum Phigu, Jhowo Ledon and Chum Lhanzay had four grandchildren: my late brother, Gyamtso, my sister, Kesang Dolma, and myself.

   Somewhere in my writings I have mentioned about the three persons who shaped my life and had the greatest influence on me: Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, my school Principal, Graeme Armstrong Murray, and my Lachen grandfather. I still believe this to be true. They taught me the value of honour, courage, integrity and dignity.

Lachen Pipon Jhowo Ledon

   I must have been around 5-6 years when he left us but the few moments that I had with him were enough for me to realize that he was a special person. He was of medium height but his character and personality commanded dignified composure. He stood out among the rest.   To me he was integrity personified.              

   After his father, Jhowo Bompo, who once led the Sikkim delegation in the Dalai Lama’s court in Lhasa, died my grandfather naturally stepped into his shoes. As the Lachen Pipon he was immensely respected and at the same time feared by the people. He was just, fair and a disciplined person. My Azyo belonged to the influential Ngyamdako clan in Lachen. The annual village Chodrok puja traditionally began with the lamas spread among the four Ngyamdako families – Jhowo Bompo, Jhowo Phintso Tashi, Jhowo Limak and ours.

   Pipons are elected by the Dzumsa, the traditional assembly of the people. The system used to be conducted in a most dignified and democratic manner, where public participation in all spheres of life was maximum. I have personally proudly witnessed my Azyo conduct the Dzumsa meetings with discipline and dignity.

   Two highly-placed personalities visited Lachen during his tenure as Pipon: Jamyang Khyentse Chokyi Lodro, perhaps the most outstanding Tibetan spiritual masters of the 20^th century, and Sikkim’s Dewan (Prime Minister), Nari Rustomji. While studying law in Bombay in early 1980s, Rustomji opened up his small archive room and to my great delight and surprise I found a small black and white photo of his visit to Lachen in 1956-57. My grandfather and my late maternal uncle, Azyang Kunga Rinchen, are seen in the photograph along with Rustomji and others. I still have this original photo with me and over the years I made some copies and distributed among my close relatives in Lachen.

Former Sikkim Dewan (Prime Minister) Nari Rustomji, with Lachen Pipons, Jhowo Ledon and Jhowo Kunga Rinchen on his right and left in Lachen, North Sikkim, in 1956-57. Lachen Lopon Dochung (extreme left) and lamas of Lachen Gompa are also seen.

   Azyo taught me one very important thing which I often remember – and that is how to light a fire. This took place in our kitchen, where we have a huge fireplace (chulha) made of clay. He was patiently watching me trying to light the fire at the thap (chulha) from his seat on the denthi (tradition wooden sofa). When I failed he came down from his seat and taught me how to light the fire. “Dhae-membae.” (not like that), he said and then gently took out all the firewood that I had stuffed in and then rearranged them in such a way that there was enough space for the oxygen to get in. And when everything was done he lit the fire. I was amazed.

   Life is all about lighting fire, particularly when there is darkness all around.  A few years after Azyo’s passing away I was in another world, at Darjeeling’s Mount Hermon School, where I later learnt that “It is better to light a candle than curse the darkness.”