Freedom vs Security

TRIBUTE TO SURESH K. PRAMAR

 (My friend and mentor, Suresh K. Pramar, former editor of Eastern Express, passed away peacefully at his  home in Noida, UP, in the morning of February 24, 2023. This piece of writing from my book, Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, published in 1993, is a tribute to Suresh and in memory of our turbulent times in Sikkim  in the '80s. Suresh was a brave and independent journalist and because of this we got into a lot of trouble with the powers-that-be. Eventually, he had to quit Sikkim as the establishment could not digest and tolerate what we reported. As journalists we did our job as long it was possible. People ought to realize by now that it is not only the suppression of the establishment but silence of the oppressed that paved the way for Pramar's exit from Sikkim. Pramar eventually settled in Noida with his wife Sashi and two children - Lalit and Muana.)

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   “The interest of property, the hours of labour, are nothing compared with the struggle for life and honour, for right and freedom, to which we have vowed ourselves.”

-          Winston Churchill

 

   “There is no security on this earth. There is only opportunity.”

-          General Douglas MacArthur

 

   June 1983 was a crucial month for me. I made two important decisions in the first fortnight of the month, which changed the course of my life. I decided to become a journalist, join the press and work for the Eastern Express, an English weekly published from Gangtok. Another important decision, which was to have a far reaching affect on my journalistic career, was to bring out my own monthly magazine – Spotlight on Sikkim.

   By the first week of June, I was quite sure that I would get into government service. The Labour Department needed a labour officer and I was qualified for the job. I was not only a local Sikkimese possessing the Sikkim Subjects Certificate – a necessary document for government jobs in Sikkim – but also belonged to a community designated as scheduled tribe and hailed from the backward tribal-dominated region of Lachen in north Sikkim. Furthermore, I had done labour law for my LL.B. (G) and was fit for the job. Moreover, I had applied for the post a year in mid-1982 while I was still in college. My job application was backed by the Lachen Pipon, who personally recommended my case to the government.

   The post of a Labour Officer in the Labour Department had been vacant for over a year now. The delay in my case seemed unnecessary. I felt the only way to put pressure on the government for speedy disposal of my case was to approach the government through public representatives. The representation to the Chief Minister in my case was made by the “people of Lachen” through its elected representative, the Lachen Pipon. In his letter to the Chief Minister, dated May 1, 1983, the Lachen Pipon, Anung Lachenpa, stated:

      “The people of Lachen have been deprived from every facilities and aids provided by the government for the all-round development of our people. Thus, our people are still far from being even called a backward class. In the realm of education, we still lag far behind our own neighbouring areas which are considered backward regions in Sikkim. So far, we have been able to produce only two graduates from our village and that also with great difficulties. Apart from getting our youngsters educated, we face the problem of job security and other employment problems.

   Mr. J.N. Kazi comes from a good and well-respected family in Lachen. In school, he was awarded the Bishop Fisher Cup for Leadership, Character and Sportsmanship. In his training college, he was the first student to receive the Principal’s Award for all-round development. Apart from his excellent and outstanding performance in games and other sporting activities, he has been a distinguished student leader and magazine editor in both the school and college. All these achievements and many others have made us feel proud of him and we do not hesitate to give him further support and help which he requires in any field.”

   I soon discovered that the main factor which delayed the process of my appointment in government service was because of our college magazine, Lukshyama. I came to know this from the authorities at the Tashiling Secretariat. I didn’t quite see why the State Government was against me on this. Was the State Government directed by the Centre not to give me employment in government service or was Bhandari not happy over certain aspects of the magazine? Perhaps my references to “fleshy cars” and “three-piece suits” in my article in the magazine may have annoyed Bhandari.

   While pursuing my case with the government, I came to know that there were two more candidates who were trying for the post I had applied for. There was also another vacancy at the High Court for law graduates. One of these candidates was qualified but the other one was not. I was told that the other applicant, a woman, though not qualified for the job had the backing of the higher-ups. My case may have been considered if the government rejected the woman candidate’s application. Realising how the government functioned, particularly regarding employment in government service, I had some doubts about my case but still remained hopeful.

UNI (United News of India) men in Sikkim: Pramar (centre), Ranjit Devraj and myself.

   “Why don’t you take a khada and meet the CM personally over your appointment,” advised the Labour Department Secretary, who was keen on having me join his department. He wanted me to get the job but the final approval was to come from the top, particularly in dealing with controversial cases. By now I was quite sure that I would get the job and meeting Bhandari was just a matter of formality. I didn’t respond to the Secretary’s suggestion, but just listened to him and kept quiet. I had already decided not to see Bhandari. If I got the job, it was well and good; if not, so be it. That was my attitude and I firmly stuck to it.

   It was only a matter of time now and a visit to Bhandari would have expedited the process of my appointment. The Establishment Department Secretary, Tashi Chopel, who was in-charge of employment in government service and with whom I was in touch, asked me to make a fresh application. I was told that my earlier application had been ‘lost’, something not very unusual in our government departments. Meanwhile, the government would issue a public notice inviting applications for vacancies in various government departments, including the post that I had applied for. The notice was to come out any day.

  While I was waiting for the notice to appear in the local papers, I came across Norden Gyalpo, former editor of The Encounter and presently the editor of Lurnyuk, on June 6. We knew each other well. In the course of our discussion, we showed keen interest in helping me out with the publication of a monthly magazine on Sikkim. By then, I had already decided to take out the paper even if I was employed in government service. Gyalpo, former chief minister L.D. Kazi’s nephew, was an intelligent and enterprising young man who not only had the knack of convincing people to his way of thinking but was also concerned about what was happening in Sikkim. We both wanted to contribute something to the people instead of letting things go by. If I had been employed in the government, he would be the editor of the paper and we would run the paper together. We decided to meet again on June 12 for further discussion. It was agreed that he would come up with his proposals and we would chalk out a plan of action for the new paper.

   The idea of starting a newspaper of my own first struck me during a trip to west Sikkim in early 1983. I felt very strongly about it and the thought never left me. Past experience convinced me that such intense feeling on a given subject should not be neglected but acted upon and carried to its logical conclusion.

   The next day, I was on my way to the office of the Eastern Express to meet its editor, Suresh Pramar, when I spotted him near his office below Tibet Road at the Enchay compound. Pramar saw me coming down and I yelled, “I was just coming down to see you.”

   “I was also looking for you. Why don’t you come down right now?”, he shouted back and went into his press office.

   I didn’t know Pramar well, much less his paper, which was quite popular. I got to know him on the playground where we played a few cricket matches together on the same side, which also had some ex-students of schools in Darjeeling, including Mount Hermon. Pramar had been in Sikkim for several years before I returned home at the end of 1982. Some of his friends in Gangtok were close friends of mine. He was around 40 and seemed to be a nice person.

 Eastern Express editor Suresh Pramar 

   Pramar was sitting in the front room near the window when I got down to his press. He seemed happy to see me. We chatted for about ten minutes and arrived at a deal. My main purpose of seeing him was to get his printing quotation for the magazine I was to publish. He had his own reasons for wanting to see me. He wanted me to work for him in the press. This was something I had not expected and it was difficult to decide anything at that point of time. My work was to help him with the paper, which basically meant reporting for the paper and also doing sub-editing and proof-reading. Except for Pramar, there was nobody permanently employed in the editorial section.

   I was not at all prepared for this and this proposal caught me off guard. However, I was quite excited over his offer. I told him frankly that I had applied for a government job and was about to get it. However, seeking a government job was mainly because of financial constraints and if I got at least Rs 1,000 per month from the press to start with I would consider working for him.

   His offer seemed quite attractive. He would pay me a monthly salary of Rs 800 and would make sure that I got the stringership of a Calcutta-based paper, which would fetch me at least a minimum of Rs. 200 per month. Moreover, he would print my paper and the cost would be around Rs. 250 for printing and binding, excluding the cost of paper. This was indeed a very tempting proposal. I told Pramar that I needed some time to think it over but I would let him know of my decision within a week. Pramar was supposed to leave for Calcutta on June 14 and he wanted my decision by then. I agreed to his suggestion and then left the office. All of a sudden things started happening. I was excited and knew that I would make the right decision by the weekend. By and large, I had decided to join the Express. However, I didn’t want to take any hasty decision and so I had asked for one week’s time.

    For the first time in my life I made up my mind not to let anyone know what was in my mind. I wanted to take the decision myself without anyone’s help and guidance. I was, once again, at the crossroads and wanted to apply my mind to the new and challenging situation. This actually meant taking it easy, looking inward into my feelings and letting situations take its natural course.

   I spent the week quietly and let things happen naturally instead of making any effort to come to the right decision. I depended more on feelings and inner promptings rather than on logic and reasoning. I wanted situations and circumstances to lead and guide me and show me the way. This has always been my way of making decisions. However, there was a vast difference in my decision-making process this time and I was deeply aware of it. Earlier, I had faith in God but now it was only me. I had faith in myself and made a point to apply it in action. Practice, to me, seemed to be the only way of verifying truth, and I wanted to put into test my new approach to life, which was then gradually becoming a part of me. I was aware of the fact that I was witnessing a revolutionary change in me and was determined to make it a real and genuine experience.

   There were, however, some guidelines which I wanted to follow in the situation. I was aware of the fact that the choice that I was making was between being a government servant (even though a temporary one) and a journalist. It was just plain common sense to realise this. The government job offered security and status but less freedom and personal independence. An enterprising person would easily make more money than a government servant if one was prepared to take risks and work hard, particularly at the initial stage. Being in the press meant that I was free to engage myself in literary and other ventures, besides being involved in publication of newspapers and periodicals.

   For me, business and service went hand-in-hand. You could make money and get financial security while contributing something to society. This would indeed be a rewarding and an enriching experience. The press seemed to be the ideal place where business and service merged together harmoniously. My own little experience in the field of writing has been a very rewarding experience. Furthermore, I had done a course in journalism and had also worked for a paper briefly while in Bombay. I also had tremendous faith in the role of the media in a democracy. However, until Pramar offered me the job I never seriously contemplated on being a journalist and making journalism my profession.

   Finally, the issue boiled down to choosing between security and status, and life and liberty. And I chose the latter. It was to me more challenging and would be more rewarding in the long run.

   On June 13, I went to meet Pramar in his office in the morning and told him that his offer was acceptable and I would be willing to join him straightaway. I could have waited a little longer to see if the government had issued the notice for the job. But my decision was final and there was no point waiting for anything. Pramar said I could join him the very next day when he was to leave for Calcutta. Thereafter, I got in touch with Gyalpo and told him of my decision to join the Express. I also told him about the arrangement I had made with Pramar for printing my magazine. We planned to look for a separate place for our office in the town.

   My first day at the Express was the very next day – June 14. I went to the press at 7.15 a.m., came back for lunch at around 10.30 a.m., and went back at 11.30 a.m. My residence was located just above the press at Kazi Road and it wasn’t much of a problem going out for lunch. I took charge of the press after Pramar left for Calcutta at 1 p.m. on June 14. I did some reporting and editing during the day and by the end of the day I was quite exhausted. I felt a quiet sense of satisfaction throughout the day – a sure indication that I had chosen the right line. I was very happy with myself.

   I saw the government notice concerning the vacancies in government departments in the Sikkim Herald, the official organ of the government, on June 15. The issue was dated June 14. Of the seven posts vacant in various departments of the government, two were meant for law graduates. I did not respond to the notice. I did not need the government job anymore. I had given my word to Pramar and wanted to keep it what way. I had found my place in Sikkim. The time for waiting in the winds was over. I was on the move again.

   By the first week of July, I got my own room and furniture at the press. I was convinced that I had come to the right place and felt a sense of belonging. I worked the whole day at the press, starting from 7 a.m. to 5 in the evening. At times, I came back to the press after dinner to spend more time reading and writing. During those days, the Express establishment was divided into four rooms and was located on the ground floor of a building belonging to a Tibetan. The paper had its own letter printing press which belonged to Pramar. The biggest room was kept for the compositors, which also housed the demi-size printing machine. The room adjacent to this was divided into three rooms of which the middle one was kept for the cutting machine. Pramar kept the front room while I got settled in the back room, which later turned out to be the better one.

   Within three weeks of my stay in the Express, we decided to go daily as soon as possible and also to have a special issue of the paper on Sundays. We also planned to bring out a Nepali edition of the paper to serve the large rural populace. Although this took some time, we eventually went daily and was also able to bring out Lokmat, the Nepali edition of the Express.

   On July 6, 1983, a month after I met Pramar, I wrote in my diary: “I don’t know how long I’ll be in this line. Considering the changes that I have made in the past, I won’t be surprised if I find something other than working in the press. But this I can say to myself at this very moment – I want to stay here for eternity. I feel that I have chosen to be a journalist. I may have been a teacher or worked elsewhere in different capacities. But they were merely all preparations for this line. Even if I do shift on to some other profession, I can genuinely say that the first profession that I have especially chosen is to be a journalist. Therefore, I am happy and feel good that I have at least found myself.”

   Pramar came back from Calcutta within a few days. While he was there he made sure that I was made the correspondent of The Telegraph. The paper was only about a year old but was very informative and attractive. I sent my first despatch to The Telegraph on June 22. It was a political story concerning the new-formed Sikkim Himali Congress (SHC) party and was meant for the weekly ‘Regional Round-up’ column of the paper, which came out every Thursday.

   Pramar was excited as I was about my first report carried in The Telegraph. “Jigs! Jigs!”, he yelled from my friend’s shop in the town when he saw me from a distance. He had just got a copy of The Telegraph carrying my article. It was prominently placed in the op-ed page under the ‘Regional Round-up’ column. The caption was “Sikkim: No unity, no opposition” and my by-line – Jigme N. Kazi – appeared  below the article. I was naturally thrilled to see my article and name in the paper and felt good and proud of myself.

(Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)

 

125^th Anniversary and Beyond

“It is better to light a candle than to curse the darkness.”

 

   A group of Sikkim Hermonites got together over dinner in Gangtok on Christmas eve, 2019 at their favourite haunt – Hotel Tashi Delek. The main menu was, of course, MH! My batchmate O.T. Bhutia reiterated that he would host the Thai party for dinner or lunch on March 7 or 8. Tsegyal Tashi, who was in MH for several years in the ’60s, has also invited the Thai party for lunch or dinner on the same dates.

   In December 2019 and January-February 2020, I met a number of Hermonites and the subject of our discussion was the same – MH, more particularly the celebration of the school’s 125^th anniversary. In Bangkok, 1973 batch Hermonite and Hermonites International President and my dear friend Thip (Varongthip Lulitanond) confirmed that he and some Thai Hermonites would come to Sikkim, Darjeeling and Siliguri to celebrate the occasion.  Navin (Khuria) Wangsejullarat, also 1973 batch and a very active Hermonite, will not be able to travel due to health reasons. We wish him good health and speedy recovery. Aphichoti (Oak) Chavengsaksongkram, younger brother of late Krisada C, will be able to come to Kolkata only to join the others for celebrations in March.  This is also due to health reasons.  We are getting old !! Oak has decided to write an article for this book. This is wonderful as he is a good writer. Incidentally, Oak’s mother is related to Sasithorn Boonlong, the pioneer of Thai students’ ‘influx’ into MH. In fact, Sasithorn, batch of 1963-64 (!!) came all the way from Bangkok to Darjeeling for Oak’s admission in mid-1960s.

   In Calcutta (Kolkata), the Hermonites, under Charan and Shakti, are doing a wonderful job in reviving the Hermonite spirit there. I had earlier requested Charan Chabria to ‘make peace and move ahead’. They seem to be doing more than that! Keep going. When Sikkim Hermonites’ President Uttam Pradhan and I met Helen Sanson and her husband over dinner in Gangtok last year she promised that during their short stay in New Zealand this year (the two work in Kolkata) they would meet up with other Hermonites in New Zealand and celebrate our school’s 125^th birth anniversary.

   I’m sure Hermonites from all over the world and from all groups and ages are geared up to celebrate the occasion in their own way. The spirit and the manner in which some Hermonites, including some from abroad, joined the school to celebrate MH’s 125^th birth anniversary on March 11, 2020, is proof enough of our strong bonding and camaraderie.  The spirit of MH is alive and refuses to die.

      However, we are well aware that Hermonites all over the world are conscious of what’s happening to their beloved MH. Some have given up on the school, others are holding on. Hopes are high but apprehensions are genuine. What can I say at such moment!? Keep going. Aim. Shoot to score!

   During the celebration of the Methodist Church’s 150 years of ministry in the sub-continent many years ago in Lucknow, one of the speakers reminded the delegates of what Mahatma Gandhi said about the Church in India. Bishop Robert Solomon of Singapore in his keynote address recalled an incident between Stanley Jones, an American Methodist Christian missionary, and Mahatma Gandhi. When Jones asked Gandhi, “You are an ardent practitioner of Jesus' Sermon on the Mount; why don't you join the church?" Gandhi replied, “I have no problem with Christ; my problem is with church."

   When I see what has been going in our beloved Mount Hermon, the temple of learning, in the past several years I’m reminded of how Jesus Christ reacted when he saw what was happening in the Church of God in the city of Jerusalem:

   “Then Jesus went into the temple of God and drove out all those who bought and sold in the temple, and overturned the tables of the money changers and the seats of those who sold doves. And He said to them, “It is written, ‘My house shall be called a house of prayer,’ but you have made it a ‘den of thieves.’ ” (Mathew 21)

   In 1967 when Dr. Welthy Fisher spoke at our Speech Day she reminded us how we should go about our job, particularly when things don’t go our way. She, while quoting an old Chinese proverb, said: “It is better to light a candle than to curse the darkness.”

   Those who are concerned about MH and have displayed their love, affection and loyalty to the school need not despair “for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap”. It is the law of karma. “For he that soweth to his flesh shall of the flesh reap corruption; but he that soweth to the Spirit shall of the Spirit reap life everlasting. And let us not be weary in well doing: for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not. As we have therefore opportunity, let us do good unto all men, especially unto them who are of the household of faith.” (Galatians 6: 8-10)

   When the Chapel portion of our school’s main building was restored and rededicated on August 15, seven months after the disastrous earthquake of January 15, 1934, our Principal Miss Lila Enberg in her dedicatory speech said, ““We need not mourn for the greater glory of the former building that was shattered by the earthquake. Instead we all rejoice that the latter glory is greater than the former. The Assembly Hall is now more firmly constructed, more strongly bound together than before. We would now, therefore, render hearts full of thanksgiving to your Gracious God who, of His infinite mercy and goodness, has made all this possible. It was He who gave the faith and courage that enabled us to say: “It shall be rebuilt!”

   In this hour of another crisis at MH may we, too, have the faith and courage to say: “It Shall Be Rebuilt!”

Inch by inch
Step by step
One day at a time
WE SHALL OVERCOME!

 

   Cheers to all! Happy 125^th Anniversary to MH and all Hermonites! Hail Mt. Hermon!

 

 

(Ref: Hail Mount Hermon! A TRIBUTE, Jigme N. Kazi, Prowess Publishing, 2020.)

 RAHUL GANDHI’S LONG MARCH

When the defeated walk, history is made

Sriram Karri

KANYAKUMARI: They may go to bed on Tuesday night despondent, down, bruised and defeated, but they will wake up on Wednesday morning filled with hope. The energy of Congress leaders and cadre travelling from Telangana to Kanyakumari is infectious. It possibly perfectly mirrors the mood of not only the thousands of fellow Congress people who will join party leader Rahul Gandhi for the start of Bharat Jodo Yatra at the former Cape Comorin, but of millions of common Indians he will meet along the arduous journey.

   In a yatra that could go beyond seven to eight months, and cover over 3,570 kilometres, Rahul Gandhi is feeling up to a challenge when his chips are at their lowest, the odds stacked against him and his party.

  The Congress is not only losing elections, winning fewer Lok Sabha seats than it would take to have a bonafide Leader of Opposition in two elections but also in most states.

   The Congress is even losing governments it had won, like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh, and its leaders, some loyal for decades, are deserting.

   The party of A.O. Hume, Annie Beasant, Dadabhai Naoroji, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and a foundational platform of leaders from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh, may be reaching a climax, and demise, under the watch of the final Gandhi-Nehru scion, according to most.

   Either it will die, its death starting on Wednesday if the walk flops, or be set for a rebirth, a renaissance, if the fabled Gandhi-Nehru magic works with Indians.

   And it could work. Because Rahul Gandhi is no stranger to losing. He lost his grandmother as a little child, and witnessed the most gruesome manner of losing a father. He lost his youth in a maze of political confusion, and saw power, and experienced its loss.

   Now, he is ready to walk. Showing himself in common places, on foot, bereft of paraphernalia of power, away from the luxury of the palace he was born in.

   Leaders who have converged here with anticipation and excitement greet each other, even as cadres shout slogans. They talk in different tones, with different emotions.

   Hope and doubt dance on their faces, as expressions change, analysing and proposing varied scenarios.

   A leader of over three decades from Maharashtra airs the most common of beliefs: “The Gandhis have a tryst with history, and destiny. Rahul ji could have chosen the easiest path to Prime Ministership, but he chose the hardest one.”

   There is tacit awareness, if not outright acknowledgment, that Rahul Gandhi is also on a mission to make history. A win, with an absolute majority, in 2024 will accord PM Narendra Modi an aura only his ideological arch enemy, Jawaharlal Nehru had. Modi will become an era, an icon, unmatched.

Can Rahul Gandhi match up to the best of his legacy and revive the glory of the Congress? There are more sceptics than believers. But history is tricky, and the path to making it is hardly straight.

   “Anything is possible. One of the most written-off leaders is marching. When the defeated march, history gets rewritten. It is either a ‘Baahubali’ or a ‘Laal Singh Chaddha’ that we will see,” said another bystander, watching the array of leaders descend at the Thiruvananthapuram airport.

   Precedents exist; from Napoleon’s walk to Mahatma Gandhi’s Dandi march. In Telugu states, three leaders have walked their way into people’s hearts, and power. Even former prime minister Chandra Shekhar’s walk led to an accidental brush with the premier job.

   If movie analogies work in politics, Indians have always loved double role flicks. Ram aur Shyam. Seeta aur Geeta.  Now, Rahul Gandhi will be seen in the un-entitled powerless role, even as his adversary is in the stratospheric orbit.

   Will the walk change the way Indians see Rahul Gandhi? They might. That could be all the hapless and clueless Congress needs right now. And that is the hope they will wake up tomorrow with. That as Rahul walks, India will see and feel the aura of all the other Gandhis before. And vote for the hand that guides a nation.

 (Ref: Deccan Chronicle Sep 7, 2022. Sriram Karri is the Resident Editor of Deccan Chronicle, based in Hyderabad. He is also the author of the MAN Asian Literary Prize long-listed novel 'Autobiography of a Mad Nation' and 'The Spiritual Supermarket'.)

 

SIKKIM FOR SIKKIMESE

Let all Sikkimese feel safe and secure in Sikkim

The authorities in Delhi and Gangtok are widely aware or should be aware of the need to give top priority to safeguarding national security concerns in this sensitive and strategic border region.

   Genuine national unity and integration can come when people in their respective States, particularly in strategic border regions, are safe and secure. If those in power are truly and genuinely concerned over these vital issues then let all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities be included in the ST list in the State and let all of them enjoy all economic, educational and employment benefits which are meant for all STs at the national level. If this is done then special care must be taken in all respect to safeguard the rights and interests of the economically and educationally weaker sections of the people in the State who belong to all communities.

   However, while ST status may be granted to all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities, seats in the Assembly should be reserved for them on the basis of their ethnicity as per Article 371F of the Constitution, which reflect the provisions of the May 8, 1973 Agreement and Government of Sikkim Act, 1974, and not on the basis of them being given ST status. If these two demands are fulfilled it will bring genuine national integration while also preserving Sikkim’s special status within the Union.

   Let other Sikkimese, who are locally referred to as ‘purano byapari’ (old business community), be identified through a cut-off year, and given a special place in Sikkim. These people, who hail from the plains and hill regions of the country, belong to all communities and have been living in Sikkim for generations. Most of them have been born and brought up in Sikkim and regard Sikkim as their homeland. It is the moral duty of all bonafide Sikkimese belonging to the three ethnic communities to provide adequate political and economic safeguards to such category of people so that they, too, feel safe and secure in Sikkim.

   The time has finally come for all Sikkimese people to rise up to the occasion and shoulder the responsibility entrusted to them by generations of the Sikkimese people yet to come.

 

(Ref: Sikkim For Sikkimese: Distinct Identity Within The Union, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2009.)

 

BIRAJ ADHIKARI: THE ONE WHO MADE A DIFFERENCE

   During the pro-democracy movement in Sikkim led by Pawan Chamling, President of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF), in the early 1990s, which led to the ouster of the Bhandari regime in 1994, political activists such as Biraj Adhikari made tremendous contribution for Sikkim and the Sikkimese people. At times they risked their life and property for the common cause.

   After the political leadership made use of people such as Biraj Adhikari to achieve their political ambition the likes of Adhikari were sidelined and replaced by sycophants, leaving the Sikkimese people in the hands of corrupt and petty politicians. The rest is history…

   It has been my great privilege to record the tremendous contributions made by people such as Biraj Adhikari for our Sikkim in my newspapers and books. ‘The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland’, published in 2014, proudly recalls our street fighting days:

 

  “While more than 200 SDF supporters and other pro-democracy activists were arrested after the police crackdown in June 1993 several prominent leaders, including SDF General Secretary Biraj Adhikari (32), were arrested and detained in Sadar police station in Gangtok on June 24. Adhikari had to be moved to the local STNM hospital after he was mercilessly beaten up in the thana by police personnel.

     Adkhikari, a computer engineer-turned-politician, was ordered to be brought to the hospital by the Sikkim High Court in response to a petition filed by his wife on July 1. The court’s order not only boosted the morale of anti-Bhandari agitators but also saved the SDF leader’s life. The order said: “Keeping in mind the peculiar circumstances and the affairs in the STNM hospital (local) – we think it will be proper to safeguard the health and life of Mr. Biraj Adhikari that some second opinion be taken about his treatment.” The court also ordered that Adhikari be taken to Delhi or Chandigarh where his in-laws live for treatment. “Expenses for all this will be borne by the State Government,” the order stated.

   Adhikari was not only one of my friends but also one of the most effective and influential leaders of the SDF who had a great hand in mobilizing support for the party in Gangtok and the east district where most anti-Bhandari activities took place during this crucial period. A son of a former secretary in the State Government and an alumnus of St Paul’s School, Darjeeling, and Tashi Namgyal Academy (TNA), Gangtok, Adhikari, unlike many politicians, had no communal inclinations and because of his openness and broader views on politics he attracted many educated youths from all communities towards the SDF.

   The Amnesty International’s report, dated October 1994 and captioned “Sikkim: Torture of an opposition politician,” stated: “Biraj Adhikari, an opposition politician, was arrested on 24 June 1993 and subsequently tortured in police custody. He suffered serious wounds to his feet and may be permanently disabled. A medical examination carried outside India by an independent doctor with expertise in examining torture victims confirmed that the after-effects of trauma found during the examination exactly fitted Biraj Adhikari’s account of his torture during interrogation. Amnesty International is concerned that there has not been an independent and impartial inquiry into the torture of Biraj Adhikari, that compensation has not been granted to him and that peaceful opponents of the government remain liable to such violations of human rights in Sikkim, as long as the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.”

   The report added, “Amnesty International is concerned at persistent reports of arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment of opposition politicians in Sikkim, of which the illegal    detention and torture of Biraj Adhikari in June 1993 is only a detailed example. Amnesty International has received reports of two government opponents alleged to have died as a result of torture in police custody in the state in recent years, but the perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice.”

 

(Ref: The Lone Warrior: Exiled In My Homeland, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 2014, and Blog: jigmenkazisikkim.blogspot.com)

 MAY 8, 1973 AGREEMENT: INDIA’S ‘TROJAN HORSE’ FOR SIKKIM TAKEOVER

Secret pact

During his next “unannounced” visit to Sikkim on April 21¹ Kewal Singh brought the draft agreement to be signed by the Chogyal, the Government of India, and leaders of major political parties of Sikkim. One of Singh’s main assignments this time was to sign a “secret pact” with the Choygal. On April 23, a “confidential” document titled “Agreement between the Chogyal and the Government of India” was signed in Gangtok, which promised to preserve “the identity of Sikkim” and “the constitutional position of the Chogyal of Sikkim”. Anti-Chogyal forces viewed the move as a bid by New Delhi to “restore the durbar to power”. However, major issues raised in the agreement were also included in the draft of the proposed tripartite agreement.

Datta-Ray observed: “But the durbar was relieved because it rightly believed that Sikkim could not be absorbed while its throne survived. Kewal Singh also promised the Chogyal that the administrator would be another dewan, and would be withdrawn as soon as the political situation had stabilized. If all this was reassuring, the durbar was baffled and worried by the foreign secretary’s insistence on complete secrecy. It would have liked the tripartite agreement either to confirm the earlier one or to repeat that the monarchy and Sikkim’s status as a protectorate remained unimpaired. But Kewal Singh assured the Chogyal that the 8 May document was only for public consumption, a sop to Kazi and his colleagues, and that the 23 April agreement was the operative one. Moreover, he continued, any reference to the monarchy or to relations with India might have suggested to the 15 signatories that both matters were within their jurisdiction.²  

After making minor changes in the tripartite agreement in the Foreign Office in New Delhi, the Foreign Secretary returned to Gangtok on May 7 with the revised draft. With great reluctance the Chogyal signed the agreement the next day on May 8 at the Palace at 9 p.m.. This was only after he was assured by Kewal Singh that “the tripartite agreement was basically the same as of April 23 except for minor variations to the satisfaction of the political parties and should, as such, be treated as a “Public Relations Document”³

Before the signing of the agreement in the Palace, the Chogyal gave a dressing down to JAC leaders and accused them of “betrayal and sell-out to India”. Because of their “treachery” they were “not worthy of being called Sikkimese” and the people of Sikkim would never forgive them for their devious ways. Das recalls how the Chogyal felt during the signing of the agreement: “The famous May 8 Agreement was signed at 9 P.M. in the Palace. At first, Kazi and his group refused to go to the Palace. K.C. Pradhan and B.B. Gurung expressed a fear that the Chogyal would poison their liquor! Narbahadur Khatiwada protested on principle and wanted the Chogyal to come to the India House to sign the document. After great persuasion, they trooped into the Palace. Used to years of subservience, they bowed to the Chogyal in reverence and the latter let them have it. He was full of liquor already and surcharged with emotions; he accused the leaders of betrayal and sell-out to India. Sikkim and her people would never forgive them for their treachery. Instead of him, they would now have an Indian Chogyal to rule. They were not worthy of being called Sikkimese having sold their country. None uttered a word as if they were under a spell. The Chogyal’s performance was superb. He took out his pen and signed. The others followed including the National Party and Kewal Singh. The Foreign Secretary swallowed all the abuses showered on the political leaders that night but never forgave the Chogyal for this.”⁴

Tripartite Agreement 1973

(Left to Right) Kewal Singh (Indian Foreign Secretary), Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal, K.S. Bajpai (Indian Political Officer) and Karma Topden (Deputy Secretary to the Chogyal) during the signing of the Tripartite Agreement of May 8^th, 1973, in Gangtok.

There were mixed reactions to the May 8 Agreement. The Indian Press hailed it as a “significant breakthrough”. Kazi and his colleagues viewed it as a decisive victory for their party. But the Chogyal, sensing the agreement to be an “eyewash”, remained a “silent spectator”. He was acutely aware of New Delhi’s role in the present turmoil in Sikkim and was certain that the signing of the May 8 Agreement was a prelude to “bigger things”. “His first disillusionment came when the May 8 Agreement was placed before the Indian Parliament. He called me and asked the implications. When I told him that this was going to be the basis of the new political arrangement, he blew up. Based on the assurances of the Foreign Secretary, he considered it only a public relations document, treating April 23 Agreement as the valid one. When told that subsequent agreement on the same issue supersedes the previous one, specially when it was a tripartite agreement and placed before the Indian Parliament, he accused the Foreign Secretary of duplicity and breach of faith,” writes Das. He adds: “The Chogyal lost complete confidence in Kewal Singh and his doubts that Delhi was planning the merger of Sikkim never left him thereafter.”⁵

The May 8 Agreement, signed between the Chogyal, the Government of India represented by the Foreign Secretary, and five representatives of the three major political parties of Sikkim led by L.D. Kazi (SNC), K.C. Pradhan (SJC) and Netuk Tsering Lama (SNP),  was a major achievement for New Delhi and anti-Chogyal, anti-Sikkim forces in Sikkim. The April agitation and subsequent Indian takeover of Sikkim’s administration on April 8, culminating in the tripartite agreement is significant. The signing of the Agreement marked a decisive phase in the kingdom’s political development, and was, as suspected by the Chogyal and Sikkimese nationalists, one of the major steps to make Sikkim a part and parcel of India.

(Ref: SONS OF SIKKIM: The Rise and Fall of the Namgyal Dynasty of Sikkim, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications & Notion Press, 2020.)

INSIDE SIKKIM In his column, Mediawatch, published in Calcutta’s Sunday magazine, eminent journalist and recently-elected President of the Press Club of India, S. Nihal Singh, observed: “...the fighters of press freedom are not those who declaim the virtues of the freedom of the press at great gatherings, useful as such exercises are as reminders of principles. They are the small-town journalists who spurn temptations of political patronage and personal monetary gain to do their jobs honestly.” Singh then goes on to add: “The fourth estate has a growing responsibility in pinpointing the evils because it is often the only pillar of democracy to be found in these areas.” He finally comments: “But newspapers need to do more to support lone journalists fighting against great odds...It is, therefore, the duty of the national press to highlight the sacrifices of little-known men and women fighting at the real frontiers of press freedom...The old battle against India Gandhi’s Emergency was fought and won in the capital and other metropolitan centres. The new battles are now raging elsewhere. Let us salute those who are fighting them.” Singh’s words describe the press in Sikkim perfectly. The non-existence of an effective opposition and the absence of a democratic atmosphere in the former Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim has resulted in the local press shouldering greater responsibilities than it was meant to, often taking calculated risks to life and property. Independent newspapers such as the Sikkim Observer have over the years gone through enormous hardships in maintaining their independent existence and not submitting to the diktats of those in power. Some of us have had to live under constant pressure and often have been unjustifiably penalised. For instance, the Eastern Express and Sikkim Observer printing presses – two credible and independent newspaper establishments in Sikkim – were completely ransacked following electoral ‘victories’ of the Chief Minister, Nar Bahadur Bhandari’s Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP) in the Assembly elections in 1985 and 1989. Assaults, threats, intimidations and pressure exerted on the local press in the past one and half decades has completely and systematically silenced the voice of free press in Sikkim. The printing of the Sikkim Observer had to be undertaken in another State (West Bengal) after 1989. Even there, the paper was forced to suspend publication many times. After May 1993, the Sikkim Observer ceased publication. Efforts were made to bring out the paper even further away than West Bengal as the law and order situation and the political process steadily deteriorated. Bhandari’s stranglehold on the State Legislative Assembly was spoilt by one legislator, Pawan Kumar Chamling, deciding to break away and forming a one-man opposition under the banner of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF). In spite of its supporters and leaders having been arrested and tortured in police custody, the SDF became hugely popular of late and may just succeed in its objective of putting an end to the “reign of terror”. The press naturally welcomes this bestirring of the opposition because for too long it has offered the sole resistance to the regime. Our job as journalists and newspaper-owners is to give a balanced view of events and issues. It is for the people to initiate change for which the press can only act as catalyst. The Hindustan Times, during the ‘merger’ period, warned that India would not be able to convince the world that Sikkim’s inclusion within the Union represented the will of its people. “Elsewhere protectorates are graduating to independence and colonies are marching to freedom. In Sikkim, a protectorate is moving to freedom within India,” it commended. Today, the people of Sikkim are questioning whether “moving to freedom within India” has benefitted them socially, culturally, economically and politically. Or whether they were better off being a Protectorate rather than a part of the Indian Union. Acknowledging that he did not approve of the manner in which Sikkim was merged with India, the former Indian Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, in 1979 said while ‘merger’ was a ‘fait accompli’, he hoped that the people of Sikkim would benefit from it. Whether the merger has benefitted the people or not can be best gauged from the fact that the Sikkimese people continue to be deprived of their basic fundamental rights and freedoms despite having been a part of the world’s largest democracy for almost two decades. The former Chief Minister and chief architect of the ‘merger’, Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa, has stated on more than one occasion that New Delhi has failed to honour its word and abide by the ‘terms of the merger’. Kazi has declared that the ‘merger’ was conditional and the Government of India was morally and constitutionally bound to respect the terms and conditions under which Sikkim became the 22nd State of the Union and protect the ‘rights and interests’ of the Sikkimese people and thereby preserve the distinct identity of Sikkim within the Union. The constant betrayal of the people’s trust by political leadership in Gangtok and New Delhi and the poor economic condition of the people speak volumes of how the ‘hopes and aspirations’ of the Sikkimese people have been sacrificed in order to secure peace in this strategic border State and satisfy the growing greed and ambitions of power-hungry politicians and bureaucrats. What New Delhi fails to admit and realise is that the peaceful atmosphere that is prevalent in Sikkim today is nothing but ‘peace of the grave.’ For under the peaceful facade, the undercurrents are high and tension is mounting day by day. Not many people believed that the demand for ‘closer ties with India’ and ‘full-fledged democracy’, made prior to the ‘merger’, would lead to Sikkim becoming a part and parcel of India. Similarly, no one this time can predict where the present anti-Bhandari wave, pro-democracy, and pro-Sikkim movement for ‘freedom and democracy’, will eventually lead to. “We fought for democracy and freedom. What we have in Sikkim today is dictatorship of the worst type,” stated Kazi and the former Chief Minister, Bhim Bahadur Gurung’s letter to the Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, in 1992. A public interest petition relating to corruption in the State administration filed in the Supreme Court by Kazi in early 1993 against Bhandari and others is likely to come to a final end shortly. The CBI (Criminal Bureau of Investigation), on the insistence of the Supreme Court, has recently submitted its report to the Supreme Court on the issue. The report of the CBI, which has been investigating corruption charges against Bhandari and others, including the former Sikkim Chief Secretary, P.K. Pradhan, and the former Rajya Sabha MP from Sikkim Karma Topden (now a member of the Bhandari Cabinet, after having retired from the Rajya Sabha in October 1992), provides enough evidence to hold them guilty of corrupt practices. Even if the Centre is unwilling to go against Bhandari, the views of the court and the present anti-Bhandari wave in Sikkim, spearheaded by Chamling’s SDF, is likely to dampen Bhandari’s prospects of a fourth consecutive victory in the Assembly elections slated for 1994-end. Corruption in high places is one thing; using money made through corrupt means to remain perpetually in power is quite another. While the content of this book will hopefully be a valuable document for those interested in the state of Sikkim after the Indian takeover in 1975, this book is essentially written for myself, and perhaps for those who saw what I was doing but didn’t really know why and how I went about my job. This is my tenth year as a full-time journalist in Sikkim and besides recording my views on important events and issues of Sikkim, I want to record everything for posterity to take note of how things were and how some of us have been living all these years – all alone and against the tide.December, 1993. (Ref: Inside Sikkim: Against the Tide, Jigme N. Kazi, Hill Media Publications, Gangtok, 1993.)